Who Is Responsible for the European Refugee Crisis?

Published in Huanqiu
(China) on 23 March 2016
by Jiang Feng (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Yuzhi Yang. Edited by Alison Lacey.
Many European scholars and politicians have recently claimed that the European refugee crisis is a global phenomenon, a serious threat to international security and a crisis of responsibility for the international community; therefore it requires a global solution. They said that major countries including China should not act as if they were not involved, that they should volunteer to take on some of the burden.

What is worrisome is this: If the refugee crisis persisted, some people in the West could use their media advantage to manufacture a so-called global responsibility theory as a new standard of morality. This is so they can add pressure to related countries. Recently, some people have cited a speech by the U.N. Secretary General Ban Ki-Moon in order to make European refugees a global issue, while others have criticized China as indifferent and not responding to the crisis. These views are far-fetched and show ulterior motives.

In examining the European refugee crisis, it is worthwhile to look at the core of the issue and conduct some reflection instead of just assigning blame. Both the timing and the severity of the refugee crisis and the democracy movement in the Middle East and North Africa as started by the West are closely related, exposing the three structural flaws in the European and American-led global governance system.

One. After the Cold War, Western countries waved a banner of their values to export their system to other countries, resulting in exactly the opposite of what they wanted and causing chaos to the global order. The existing political systems in some Middle East and North African countries have evaporated, leading to an unprecedented humanitarian crisis. The scourge of terrorism and the loss of shelter for their citizens have led to a large number of refugees fleeing to Europe, which is the underlying reason for the refugee crisis. It is a sign of the failure in unilaterally exporting one’s values and systems.

Two. The huge number of refugees entering Europe seemed to surprise the EU, who neither predicted the crisis nor had an emergency plan, which demonstrated that its governing system has a broken alarm and a broken emergency response mechanism.

Three. Forced regime changes and use of force in international conflicts have not produced democracy as Western countries have hoped. Rather, the tactics have threatened the force of democratization in Europe. This further proves that using force or threats to solve international issues does nothing. In fact, it would lead to uncontrolled chaos in the international and regional communities.

Based on the above, while the international society should work together to solve the European refugee crisis, they should not rush to divvy up the chores. They should be aware that the Western-centric way of global governance is the cause of the crisis, or at least the main cause. European scholars and government officials should further reflect on their roles, instead of describing their regional crisis as a global phenomenon. They should not assign the blame to everyone, act as if they are on the moral high ground, or that they have the upper hand in the press and pressure other countries.

Seen from another perspective, China is indeed taking on more and more responsibility in solving international dilemmas. Unlike Western nations who adore armed resolutions, China is against exporting one’s institution, against interfering in other countries’ affairs and against using force in solving international conflicts. China’s effectiveness and attitude is related to whether the matter can be peacefully resolved. If the involved countries were not trying to be bullies or use force, China could be more effective.

This may bring a deeper insight for a long-term solution of the European refugee crisis: In international relations, it is not enough to rely on value diplomacy and the export of one’s institution, as it will only bring a security and humanitarian crisis for all as well as sink oneself into a moral and responsibility quandary.

Author is the party chairman at the Shanghai International Studies University.


近来不断有欧洲学者和政客宣称,欧洲难民危机是全球出现的普遍现象,是对国际安全的严重威胁,是国际“责任危机”,因此需要全球治理,包括中国在内的主要大国不可“事不关己,高高挂起”,须主动承担国际责任。

  令人担忧的是,若难民危机久拖不决,西方一些人可能利用其舆论强势地位炮制“全球责任论”作为所谓“新道义标准”,给相关国家制造舆论压力。比如,最近有人借联合国秘书长潘基文之口,呼吁将欧洲难民“全球化”,还有人批评中国对欧洲难民危机“事不关己,袖手旁观”。上述言论难免有些牵强附会,甚至别有用心。

  对欧洲当前面临的难民危机,应透过现象看本质,做出深刻反思,而不仅仅是忙于分摊责任。这场难民危机与欧美在中东北非地区推行的“民主化”在发生时间和程度上有着密切关联,暴露出欧美主导的现行全球治理体系起码有三个方面的结构性缺陷。

  一是西方国家在冷战后高举价值观大旗,强力推行制度输出,结果不仅事与愿违,更给国际秩序造成混乱,特别是致使中东北非地区的原有政治架构瓦解,引起空前的人道主义危机,国际恐怖主义肆虐,人民流离失所,直接导致大批难民逃往欧洲。这是当前难民危机的根本原因,它表明价值单边主义和制度输出的失败。

  二是大批难民涌入欧洲,似乎突如其来,使欧盟措手不及。欧盟既未预测到危机来临,也未拿出应急处理方案。这表明现行治理体系的预警功能和应急功能已经失灵。

  三是强力推行制度更换、武力介入国际纷争,不仅没有实现欧美国家希望出现的“民主化”,反而给“民主化”带来威胁,这种威胁甚至直逼欧洲“民主堡垒”。这再次证明,以武力或威胁施加武力解决国际问题,不仅于事无补,反而会使国际、区域安全局势失控。

  由上观之,国际社会应尽快携手解决欧洲难民危机,但不应“病急乱投医”,就事论事地搞“责任分摊”。应该认识到,欧美主导的现行全球治理体系本身就是危机的根源,起码是主要根源。欧洲的学者和政府官员更应客观反省,而不是试图把自己区域发生的危机描述为全球普遍现象,让各国来承担其制造的后果,更不该由此设置国际道义和舆论制高点,向他国施加压力。

  从另一个角度看,中国的确在解决国际难题方面承担着越来越多的责任。然而与欧美一些国家崇尚武力的国际干涉主义不同,中国反对搞制度输出,反对干涉他国内政,反对以武力解决国际纠纷。中国发挥作用的程度与事态是否和平解决有正向关联:国际争端中各方越是不单边逞强、诉诸武力,中国发挥的作用就越大。

  这或许为持久解决欧洲难民危机提供深层次启发:在国际关系中不能依仗强力搞价值外交和制度输出,那样做不仅给世界带来安全和人道危机,到头来也使自己陷入道义和责任困境。(作者是上海外国语大学党委书记)
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