Trump and Sanders Reflect Limits of Two-Party System

Published in Huanqiu
(China) on 12 April 2016
by Zhibo Qiu (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Rachel Critelli. Edited by Helaine Schweitzer.
The results of the Wyoming primaries were announced a few days ago. On the Democratic side, former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton has again been struck down by Bernie Sanders. Sanders has defeated Clinton in eight of the last nine Democratic primaries. Although Donald Trump was defeated by Ted Cruz in Colorado, he is still far ahead with 746 delegates. Broadly speaking, with regard to the upcoming period, proponents of the two-party system are all asking themselves what is wrong with their own party and why the voters have all voted for candidates who do not represent their party’s traditional views.

Two Parties Have Split into Four

The greatest fear of the two parties is that if Trump is elected, he would be neither a Democrat nor a Republican, a concern that is not unreasonable. The anti-Trump powers within the Republican Party have already spent big money to blanket the landscape with negative attack ads against Trump. Alternatively, from the beginning, Sanders branded himself as a socialist, and his core policies resemble the Democratic parties of Europe’s welfare states.

The United States presidential elections usually only attract people’s attention after the two parties have chosen their candidates. But this time, infighting within the two parties has caused the opposite to be true. This might be the first time that the differences within the two respective parties are even greater than the difference between the two parties themselves. On a certain level, the two parties have already split into four opposing and completely irreconcilable “political parties.”

Trump has already expressed many times that if establishment Republicans try to replace him at the Republican National Convention in July, he can’t guarantee that his supporters won’t carry out violent protests, or refute that he won’t run for president as an independent candidate. As for the Democrats, after Sanders won the primary election in Wisconsin, well-known Democratic media commentator James Carville was interviewed, and was filled with righteous indignation. “It really doesn’t make any sense. Why would the Democrats nominate someone who’s not even a Democrat?” Carville said.

Why is it that the Republican and Democratic candidates with the most “extreme discourse” are the ones receiving the greatest voter support, slowly splitting the base of the two parties’ electorate? The author of this article believes that the specific reason is that the limits of the United States’ two-party system have prevented third-party candidates with alternative political views from running for president.

Under the current American two-party system, candidates representing a third, independent political party have almost no opportunity to win the presidential race. The rules of the election, the tendencies of political donations, the level of media attention, and the intrinsic divide among the base of current voters all firmly set the U.S. presidential election system into a framework between the Republican and Democratic parties.

New Voters and New Political Views Are a Near Certainty

Even if political views and party constitution are not the same, only when third-party candidates identify as Republican or Democrat to run in the election is there the possibility to attract more votes in the primary election. All kinds of voices are forced to borrow the platforms of the two parties to have their voice heard and take a position, so internally, the two parties have both produced candidates that are very different from traditional party views, candidates scoffing at establishment party members while asserting claims as an equal.

Even if there are third-party candidates who hold different political views and who use the two parties’ political platforms to obtain the most voter support, this cannot guarantee they can become the presidential candidate for either party because both parties still have a trick up their sleeves.

At the Democratic Party convention, if the political candidate with the most votes has not obtained 1,237 votes, establishment Democrats will be allowed to choose their own candidate.* The Democratic Party has a superdelegate system, which is a group of unpledged delegates who come from several categories of prominent Democratic Party members, including the current and former vice presidents, as well as Democratic governors, members of the Democratic National Committee, and Democratic members of Congress. Hillary Clinton has a firm grasp on 486 votes of the 717 total superdelegates, and Sanders only has 38. Even if Sanders wins all of the remaining states, the superdelegates could still overturn the democratically elected candidate, casting their votes for the establishment representative, Clinton. The superdelegate system was put in place to give establishment Democrats greater rights to defeat outside challengers.

Following the deepening wealth disparity in the U.S., the impact of the financial crisis, and the quagmire of the war against terror, the longstanding two-party system in the United States may already be unable to represent the political positions of the entire electorate. Given this current trend of political participation among new voters and fringe groups, new political views are a near certainty. The long-term stability of the two-party system is facing pressures and challenges to re-integrate. For example, many years ago, the Republican Party’s practices took the middle road, but now, voters who want “internally conservative, externally isolated” policy tending toward authoritarianism have for a long time been ignored and marginalized. This is, in part, the origin of angry, white, middle-class Americans. But Trump’s views reflect the longstanding oppression of this portion of the American people; his views reflect the fact that political views cannot win the support of voters that the establishment has been paying attention to.

In this election, Trump and Sanders have attracted many new voters. Taking the New York primary as an example, the two parties stipulated that voters must first register before they have the right to participate in the election. During the 10-day open election registration period in March, 41,000 voters submitted online voter applications and, of those, more than half had never participated in elections. But a large part of these new voters are Trump and Sanders supporters.

Looking at the current situation, the parties’ establishments have no way to back down. They will have a hard time balancing the differences between party insiders and party establishment with a portion of the voters. Regardless of whether or not Trump and Sanders receive their party’s nomination, this is a challenge to the U.S. two-party system. Trump and Sanders have both attracted the attention of many young people, which on a certain level is a prediction of the political direction of the United States in the next 20 or 30 years. Even if new political needs are not working in concert with each other, there will be additional political parties that can represent other interest groups and values and challenge the two-party system with a kind of “political revolution.”

*Editor’s note: This number of delegates applies to the Republican Party. In the Democratic Party, 2,383 delegates are needed for nomination.

The author is an employee of an international agency in the United States.


邱稚博:特朗普与桑德斯折射美国两党制局限


  日前,怀俄明州初选结果揭晓。在民主党方面,桑德斯再一次击败前国务卿希拉里。这已经是最近9场民主党初选,桑德斯第八次击败希拉里。特朗普虽在科罗拉多州初选败于克鲁兹,但还以746张选举人票遥遥领先。纵观近期言论,两党建制派都在反问自己的政党究竟出了什么问题,为什么选民都把选票投给了不能代表自己党派传统观点的参选人?
  两党已分裂成四个“政党”
  两党的担心并不为过,目前最怕特朗普当选的人恐怕不是民主党,而是共和党的建制派。共和党中的反特朗普势力已经在多州投下重金,对特朗普进行铺天盖地的负面广告攻击。桑德斯则从最初就把自己定位为社会主义者,其政策核心近似于欧洲福利国家的社会民主党。
  美国大选往往在两党确定候选人之后才更引人入胜。而这一次,热潮相反来自于两党内部的争斗。这也许是第一次,两党内部分歧远远大于党际分歧。在一定程度上,两党已经分裂成为四个相互对立,完全不能融合的“政党”。

  特朗普已多次表示如果共和党建制派在7月的党大会上将其替换,他不保证他的支持者会不会进行暴力抗议,他也不否认自己会以独立候选人参选。而在民主党这边,当桑德斯取得威斯康辛州预选胜利后,民主党著名媒体评论人詹姆斯·卡维尔接受采访时义愤填膺地说到,“这一点儿都讲不通,为什么民主党要提名一个根本都不是民主党人的候选人。”
  为什么共和党、民主党内部都出现了“言论极端”却又大受选民支持的参选人,逐渐分裂两党的选民基础?笔者认为,究其原因是美国两党制的局限性束缚了政见不同的第三方参选人参选。
  在美国现有的两党制下,代表第三方独立党派的参选人在总统竞选中几乎没有任何机会可以取胜。竞选规则的设立、政治献金的倾向、媒体关注的程度、现有选民基础的固有划分,都将美国总统大选制度牢牢地固化在共和党和民主党两党之间的框架下。
  新兴选民和新的政治主张呼之欲出
  尽管政见与党章不同,第三方参选人还是要以共和党或者民主党的身份参选,才有可能在随后预选中吸引更多的关注。各种声音只能借两党的平台发声作势,所以两党内部均产生了与传统政见截然不同的参选人,与建制派分庭抗礼的“怪相”。
  即使拥有不同政见的第三方参选人,以两党的身份获得了最多选民的支持,仍然不能保证可以成为两党的总统候选人。两党的建制派都留了一手。
  共和党方面,在党大会上,如果获得最高票的参选人没有达到1237票,建制派仍可以选择自己的候选人。民主党则设有超级代表制,由现任、前任正副总统及民主党州长,国会议员和民主党全国委员会成员组成。希拉里手中就牢牢握着717名超级代表中的486票,而桑德斯只有38票。即使桑德斯赢下余下各州,超级代表还是可以推翻民选候选人,将票投给建制派的代表人希拉里。超级代表制度的设立正是为了给予民主党建制派更多的权力来击败外来的挑战者。
  随着美国贫富差距的加深、经济危机的冲击和反恐战争的泥潭,美国长期施行的两党制可能已经无法再代表所有选民的政治主张。在新兴选民和边缘化选民的参政热潮下,新的政治主张呼之欲出。长期稳定的两党制制度面临着重新整合的压力和挑战。例如共和党过去多年推行中间路线,“对内保守,对外孤立”的权威主义倾向的选民长期被忽视和边缘化。这也是愤怒的美国白人中产阶级的部分来源。而特朗普的主张,正反映了这部分长期受压制、政治主张得不到建制派关注的选民的呼声。
  这次初选,特朗普和桑德斯都吸引了大量新选民。以纽约州初选为例,两党都规定,选民必须事先登记才有权参与选举。在3月开放选举登记的10天中,4.1万名选民提交了网上选举申请,其中一半以上以前从未参与过选举。而这些新兴选民,大部分是特朗普和桑德斯的支持者。
  就目前状况来看,两党建制派都骑虎难下,很难平衡政党内部以及建制派与部分选民的分歧。无论特朗普和桑德斯能否得到党内提名,这都是对美国两党制的一次挑战。此外,特朗普和桑德斯都吸引了众多青年人的关注,这在一定程度上预示着美国未来二三十年的政治方向。即使这一次新的政党需求没有得到呼应,还会有更多代表其他利益群体和价值理念的政党团体给两党制带来 “政治革命”式的挑战。(作者是驻美国际机构工作人员)
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