Does “Brexit” Give Possibility to Trump?

Published in Analitica
(Venezuela) on 04 July 2016
by Maribel Hastings (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by . Edited by Shelby Stillwell.
e presumptive Republican presidential nominee Donald Trump at first said he didn't know much about Brexit to have an opinion, but when the United Kingdom voted to separate from the European Union, he immediately scaled the crest of the wave to applaud passage of the referendum and tried to find parallels with his quest to win the White House.

"The people have taken their country back... and want their border back," Trump affirmed.

It doesn't matter that the tycoon failed to recognize a distinction, because although England and Wales voted to leave, Scotland and Northern Ireland voted against it. Even so, Trump, who was inaugurating one of his golf courses in Scotland, tweeted as if all of the United Kingdom had voted in favor, and provoked, as always, a storm of commentary on social media.

In the news, whoever voted in favor of abandoning the European Union showed a common denominator among the causes for their decision: a discomfort with immigration and politics about refugees, discomfort with the economy, and a nationalistic sentiment that was exploited by proponents of the separation. This nationalistic sentiment, taken to extremist levels, even claimed the life of Labour MP Jo Cox at the hand of an extreme right wing fanatic, who screamed "Britain First" during the attack.

This past Friday, the consequences of the vote began to show: British Prime Minister David Cameron resigned, the stock markets were hit, and entering the weekend, the British people themselves began to collect signatures to conduct another referendum.

The consequences of Brexit are profound on all levels: economic, humanitarian, military, and security-wise at a time when the entire world is engaged in a fight against terrorism.

The process and details of the Brexit vote, and the U.S. presidential election are very different. But what is similar is that both campaigns have exploited anxiety, fear and xenophobia to advance their causes, mixed with a dangerous nativism and isolationism that is inappropriate for 21st century globalization.

Whomever supports Brexit there and those who support Trump here tend to be less educated younger people, whose employment and lives have been affected precisely by the global economy and the trade deals. Hence the resentment is external, and that includes immigrants and refugees. Other factors to consider are the simple elements of racism that exist, deeply rooted and independent of the state of the economy, and which we saw in the leader of Brexit, Nigel Farage, or see in Trump, the justification for his xenophobia.

Another common denominator is that they vote in high numbers.

Various Republican figures linked with the elite of the Republican Party have denounced Trump. Many have refused to support him; others have announced that they will not attend the Republican Convention in Cleveland, Ohio, or have changed affiliation, such as the conservative commentator George Will, who has declared that the party of Trump "is not my party." or the Or the Republican strategist Lionel Sosa, who has said that if Trump is elected, he will say goodbye to the Republican Party "until it comes to its senses." Republican Sosa said this about Trump: "In place of compassionate conservatism, our nominee promotes callousness, extremism and racism."

Last Friday, President Barack Obama, without mentioning Trump, reminded the country, “we don't have time for bigotry and we don't have time for flim-flam."

Very true. But don't underestimate the signals, don’t discount a section of the population, and don’t assume that reason and sanity will prevail, because Brexit showed that anything is possible.


El virtual nominado presidencial republicano, Donald Trump, primero dijo que no sabía mucho del Brexit como para opinar, pero cuando el Reino Unido votó para separarse de la Unión Europea, de inmediato se subió en la cresta de la ola para aplaudir el paso y tratar de buscar paralelos con su lucha por ganar la Casa Blanca.

“El pueblo ha tomado su país de vuelta… y quieren sus fronteras de vuelta”, afirmó Trump.

No importa que el magnate no supo diferenciar, pues si bien Inglaterra y Gales votaron a favor de la salida, Escocia e Irlanda del Norte votaron en contra. Aun así, Trump, quien fue a inaugurar uno de sus campos de golf en Escocia, tuiteó como si todo el Reino Unido hubiese votado a favor, provocando, como siempre, una lluvia de comentarios en las redes sociales.

En las noticias, quienes votaron a favor de abandonar la Unión Europea evidenciaron un denominador común entre las causas para su decisión: molestia con la inmigración y la política sobre refugiados, con la economía, y un sentimiento nacionalista que fue bien explotado por los proponentes de la separación. Ese sentimiento nacionalista, llevado a niveles extremistas, cobró incluso la vida de la diputada laborista Jo Cox a manos de un fanático de extrema derecha que al asesinarla habría gritado “Britain First”.

El pasado viernes comenzaron a manifestarse las consecuencias del voto: el primer ministro británico, David Cameron, dimitió, los mercados bursátiles fueron golpeados, y según se adentró el fin de semana, los propios británicos comenzaron a recabar firmas para que se conduzca otro referendo.

Las consecuencias del Brexit son profundas a todos los niveles: económicas, humanitarias, militares y de seguridad en momentos en que el mundo entero está enfrascado en una lucha antiterrorista.

El proceso y muchos detalles del Brexit y nuestra elección presidencial son muy diferentes. Pero lo que es similar es que ambas campañas han explotado la ansiedad, los temores y la xenofobia para adelantar sus causas, mezclándolas con un peligroso nativismo y aislacionismo impropio de una globalización del siglo XXI.

Quienes apoyaron el Brexit allá y los que apoyan a Trump acá tienden a ser personas menos jóvenes, con menor educación y cuyos empleos y vidas se han visto afectados precisamente por la economía global y los tratados comerciales. De ahí el resentimiento hacia lo externo, y eso incluye a inmigrantes y refugiados. Otro factor a considerar son los elementos simplemente racistas que existen, independientemente del estado de la economía, que están profundamente arraigados, y que vieron en el líder del Brexit, Nigel Farage, o ven en Trump, la justificación para su xenofobia.

Otro denominador común es que votan en altas cifras.

Varias figuras republicanas vinculadas con la élite del Partido Republicano han denunciado a Trump; muchos se han negado a apoyarlo; otros han anunciado que no asistirán a la Convención Republicana en Cleveland, Ohio, el mes que viene; algunos han decidido apoyar a la virtual nominada demócrata, Hillary Clinton; o han cambiado de afiliación, como el comentarista conservador, George Will, quien declaró que el partido de Trump “no es mi partido”; o el estratega republicano hispano Lionel Sosa, quien dijo que si Trump es electo, le dice adiós a su Partido Republicano “hasta que recupere el sentido”. El republicano Sosa dijo esto sobre Trump: “En lugar de conservadurismo compasivo, nuestro nominado promueve insensibilidad, extremismo y racismo”.

El viernes pasado, el presidente Barack Obama, sin mencionar a Trump, le recordó al país que “no tenemos tiempo para charlatanes y para el odio”.

Muy cierto. Pero no hay que subestimar las señales, ni el descontento de un sector de la población, ni asumir que la razón y la cordura prevalecerán, porque el Brexit demostró que todo es posible.
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