Duterte’s Foreign Policy Not So Difficult To Decipher

Published in Huanqiu
(China) on 17 August 2016
by Zhang Yuquan (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Nathan Hsu. Edited by Shelby Stillwell.
Some within the Japanese and U.S. media have said that they cannot get a read on new Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte's foreign policy. Duterte, known for his singular personality, has in one breath hurled insults at the U.S. ambassador to the Philippines, going so far as to say that he would not care if the United States and his own government broke off relations, and in the next insisted that the U.S.-Philippine alliance stands firm, as the United States is the only nation to have signed a security treaty with the Philippines. And much like with the United States, Duterte has expressed that he would be "willing to develop a cooperative relationship on security with Japan," but not long after added a qualifier that "China is not some second-rate figure." Superficially, therefore, Duterte's foreign policy may appear to be one of vacillation, obscuring his true intentions.*

However, the Philippines' foreign policy is not as indecipherable as it may seem. Duterte's foreign policy objectives are to pursue independence, sever the threads of foreign control, and place the country's interests first and foremost.

In this respect, the illegitimate judgment passed down by the ad hoc South China Sea arbitration court has been a boon for the Philippines, acting as a catalyst that has touched off a re-evaluation of Philippine foreign policy within the country. The United States and Japan have always hoped that Duterte would side with them on the issue of the South China Sea. And yet, at the time of the Scarborough Shoal incident, those two nations did not substantively support the Philippines. At that time, former Philippine President Benigno Aquino III did as bid by the United States and created a standoff between his nation and China, one that affected economic cooperation between the two states to a large degree and led to crippling delays in the Philippines' infrastructural projects. On this point, the meeting between former Philippine President Fidel Ramos and Madam Fu Ying, the Chinese deputy foreign minister, was a good start to healing the divide. Both sides were of the opinion that China and the Philippines share collective interests in ecological preservation of the ocean, cooperation within the fishing industry, clamping down on criminals, promoting cooperation in tourism and travel, and encouraging trade and investment.

The Philippines has had a long history of opposing external pressure and seeking independence in its foreign policy. After becoming a Spanish colony in 1565, the Philippines underwent a period of continued strife as its people resisted the colonial occupation for the three centuries following the initial Spanish invasion, with an average of five uprisings every year and over 102 larger rebellions. The Filipinos even established a Philippine Republic in 1899, which unfortunately lacked the power to prevent another period of U.S. colonization after a brief war with the Americans. Still, the struggle of the Philippine people against the United States did not stop, inflicting such a terrible cost that the United States was left with no choice but to grant the Philippines independence after World War II. This was ingrained into the genes of the Filipinos, forming the basis for their present efforts to resist and free themselves of U.S. interference in their foreign policy.

Of course, it will be quite difficult for the Philippines to realize complete independence and autonomy in that area. Domestically, there are those who take after Aquino III in advocating reliance on the United States and Japan to face off against China, as well as setting the results of the illegitimate South China Sea arbitration case as a precondition for bilateral talks. And externally, the alliance between the United States and the Philippines remains solid, with the United States exerting considerable influence over Philippine politics, as well as the island nation's economy, military affairs, and culture.

Nevertheless, Duterte's strength and pragmatism have made it possible for him to weaken the hold of the U.S. and Japanese governments on his country to a certain extent, something that hardly lacks precedent within the history of Philippine foreign affairs.

So when Duterte says that "China is not a second-rate figure," the implied meaning is that his foreign policy does not account for any predetermined "central character," and that his country is independent and autonomous, an attitude that will serve the Philippines well. Nothing will benefit it more than developing amicable relations with its neighbors — one and all.

The author is an associate professor at Sun Yat-sen University's School of International Relations.

*Editor’s note: This quote, though accurately translated, could not be verified.


  有日美媒体称看不懂菲律宾新总统杜特尔特的外交政策。这位个性鲜明的总统一会辱骂美国驻菲律宾大使,甚至公开扬言不在乎美菲断交;一会表示美国是菲律宾的唯一签约盟国,美菲有着牢固的同盟关系。一会对日本外相岸田文雄表示“愿意在安保领域与日本发展合作关系”,但不久后又说“中国不是二号角色”。从表象上看,似乎杜特尔特的外交政策是摇摆不定、难以捉摸的。
  其实菲律宾外交政策没那么难以理解,杜特尔特的外交政策就是追求独立、摆脱外国控制、以菲律宾国家利益为首要。
  某种程度上说,南海问题临时仲裁庭的非法裁决既让菲律宾“得了便宜”,也是触发菲律宾国内 外交反思的催化剂。美日一直希望杜特尔特在南海问题上能坚定站在它们这一边。但当时黄岩岛争端,美日两国却无实质性支持菲律宾的举动。同时,菲前任总统阿 基诺三世听命于美国酿成中菲对抗,在一定程度影响了中菲经贸合作,国内基础设施建设严重落后。在这方面,菲律宾前任总统拉莫斯与傅莹女士的会面开了一个好 头。双方认为,中菲在海洋生态保护、渔业合作、打击犯罪、增进旅游合作、鼓励贸易与投资等领域有共同利益。
  菲律宾在历史上有反抗外来统治压迫的独立外交基因。自1565年菲律宾成为西班牙殖民地以来,菲律宾人民在西班牙入侵后的300年间,不断进行反抗殖民侵略的斗争,平均每年发生5次起义,规模较大的起义有102次之多。菲律宾人民甚至在1899年成立菲律宾共和国,可惜在随后的菲律宾抗美战争中,因国力弱小,沦为美国的殖民地。但菲律宾人民反美斗争一直没有停止,也让美国付出惨重代价。二战之后,美国不得不让菲律宾人民独立。这也成为当前菲律宾人民反抗、摆脱美国干涉其外交政策的历史基因。
  当然,菲律宾完全实现独立自主外交目前确有一定难度。从内部来看,菲国内以阿基诺三世为代表的一些人依然主张依靠美日对抗中国,以南海非法仲裁案的结果作为中菲谈判的前提。从外部来看,美菲盟友关系依然牢固,美国仍旧对菲律宾政治、经济、军事、文化等方面有重要影响。
  不过,杜特尔特的强势与务实,使其有可能在一定程度上摆脱美日两国政府的控制,这在菲律宾外交历史上也不乏先例。
  杜特尔特说“中国不是二号角色”,潜台词就是——他的外交政策中没有既定或被安排好的“一号角色”,是独立自主的,而这种认识符合菲律宾的国家利益。只有与周边国家都发展友好关系,才更有利于菲律宾。(作者是中山大学国际关系学院副教授)
This post appeared on the front page as a direct link to the original article with the above link .

Hot this week

Taiwan: Taiwan Issue Will Be Harder To Bypass during Future US-China Negotiations

Mexico: Migration: A Political Crisis?

Germany: Donald Trump’s Military Intervention in LA Is a Planned Escalation

Canada: President Trump, the G7 and Canada’s New ‘Realistic’ Foreign Policy

Germany: If You’re Not for Him, You Should Be Afraid*

Topics

Germany: If You’re Not for Him, You Should Be Afraid*

Austria: Trump Is Playing with Fire. Does He Want the Whole House To Go up in Flames?

Taiwan: Taiwan Issue Will Be Harder To Bypass during Future US-China Negotiations

Venezuela: The Devil in Los Angeles

Germany: Donald Trump’s Military Intervention in LA Is a Planned Escalation

Mexico: Migration: A Political Crisis?

Poland: Los Angeles Riots: Battle for America’s Future

Germany: Donald Trump Is Damaging the US

Related Articles

Israel: Israel Sets Its Sights on Trump, and the Iranian Nuclear Facility Is Not the Only Reason

Taiwan: Taiwan Issue Will Be Harder To Bypass during Future US-China Negotiations

Hong Kong: Amid US Democracy’s Moral Unraveling, Hong Kong’s Role in the Soft Power Struggle

Canada: President Trump, the G7 and Canada’s New ‘Realistic’ Foreign Policy

Russia: Trump Is Shielding America*