US-Russian Relations Seem To Be Improving. Will This Influence Closen Ties between China and Russia?

Published in Huanqiu
(China) on 16 November 2016
by Editorial (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Fiona McAllister. Edited by Melanie Rehfuss.
The Kremlin announced that Russian President Vladimir Putin spoke on the phone with Donald Trump on Nov. 14, and Beijing announced that Trump also spoke for some time with Premier Xi Jinping on the evening of the same day. The Kremlin revealed that both Putin and Trump believe U.S.-Russian relations to be in an extremely unsatisfactory state. Both sides are prepared to give mutual respect on the foundation of non-interference in the other country’s internal affairs, and to establish dialogue and constructive cooperation, including cooperating in the fight against terrorism. Both sides have stressed the need for bilateral relations to create a solid foundation for economic and trade development.

Trump’s team revealed this news rather cautiously, but also stated that Trump said he would very much like to maintain strong long-term relations with Russia and the Russian people. Analysts took the things Trump and Putin said about each other during the American general election to be empty praise, but Trump has criticized Obama’s administration and said that Putin was a better leader than Obama. Putin then described Trump as a “remarkable and talented person.” International strategists are forming the opinion that the Trump era will bring improved U.S.-Russian relations. Aside from the comments made by Trump and Putin, this opinion is also held for the following reasons: firstly, because the Obama government’s opposition to Putin went too far, and is now likely to retract. Secondly, because Trump has shown a tendency to prioritize domestic policy, and easing power relations could reduce external restrictions.

As U.S.-Sino-Russian relations have long been seen as a “big triangle,” U.S.-Russian relations could improve – and a topic of public discussion has been whether or not these improving relations could influence the close relationship between China and Russia in the coming years. What first needs to be pointed out is that U.S.-Russian relations are highly strained. The U.S. led Western countries to place sanctions upon Russia, which is abnormal. Bilateral relations between the two countries have returned to a certain extent without inconveniencing China. The starting point for improving U.S-Russian relations is clearly not “dealing with China” but rather easing their strained relations.

U.S.-Russian relations fundamentally require the removal of some of the factors that are creating bilateral antagonism. These include: the U.S. moderating NATO’s strategy to expand eastwards, ceasing the deployment of mid-range missiles in Eastern Europe, no longer deploying NATO troops, or instead withdrawing them entirely, and recognizing Russia’s interest in the Ukraine. Additionally, the U.S. and Russia need to increase coordination in Syria and reach a compromise on the future outlook of the Assad regime. It seems that Washington has limited room for maneuver, and Moscow, already pushed into a corner, has no room left to maneuver either, while America’s European allies are worried that Washington will abandon it all.

Closer ties between China and Russia have been facilitated through a series of long-term actions, and this has already brought both countries stable, strategic profits. Sino-Russian cooperation is good for Moscow, and it wasn’t bought for a special price. Therefore Russia has no reason to sacrifice Sino-Russian relations for developing U.S.-Russian relations.

The basic form of the U.S.-Sino-Russian triangle is decided by the structure of power, whose most important function is to achieve a balance of power. When the U.S. is the strongest country of the three and it carries out clear military offensives, China and Russia become even closer in accordance with the logic of international politics. Even under normal circumstances, the better Sino-Russian relations are, the more positivity both countries feel toward developing relations with the U.S. Trump faces multiple challenges; he cannot put the focus and resources for reform into foreign relations with one specific country. There are also many restrictions on power relations, and this is only becoming more frequent. Trump needs to change power relations, but may only be able to make adjustments to strength and priorities, as large changes are very difficult to make. Regardless of whether it is U.S.-Russian relations or U.S.-Sino relations, the “temperature” of these relations is very easily affected, and in this respect, Trump has the most room to maneuver. The atmosphere between two countries is important at certain times, but its significance is, in reality, not enormous.

Sino-Russian relations will certainly be the more stable relationship of all the bilateral relations between the three countries for a long time into the future; it has been tested since Yeltsin’s time until today. Since Russia and the West became hostile toward each other, this relationship has been through many changes. Sino-Russian relations are now secure; both countries now stand back to back with one another, and carry no burdens in shaking hands with leaders of other countries. The leaders and diplomatic elite of both countries all greatly value Sino-Russian cooperation, and this is what has created good relations.


社评:俄美若改善关系会影响中俄亲近吗

俄罗斯总统普京14日与特朗普通电话,在北京宣布习近平主席与特朗普通电话当天的晚些时候,克里姆林宫发布了这一消息。克里姆林宫透露,普京、特朗普都认为俄美关系处于极度不理想状态,双方准备在相互尊重、不干涉对方国家内政的基础上,推动伙伴对话及建设性合作,包括合力打击恐怖主义,双方还强调要为双边关系创造坚实基础发展经济贸易。

  特朗普方面透露的消息相对谨慎,但亦表示,特朗普说他“非常希望与俄罗斯及俄人民保持长期稳固关系”。

  分析人士将这次通话同特朗普和普京在美国大选期间相互隔空赞扬的那些话联系起来,当时特朗普多次在批评奥巴马政府时称,普京的领导能力比奥巴马高。普京则形容特朗普是一位“出色而充满才智的人”。

国际战略界正在形成一种预期:特朗普时期的美俄关系将出现改善。除了特朗普和普京的这些话,这种预期还基于以下分析:一是奥巴马政府同普京的对立走过了头,回摆本身就是大概率的。二是特朗普表现出国内治理优先的政策倾向,缓和大国关系可以减少外部牵制。

  由于中美俄被长期视为一个国际关系的“大三角”,俄美关系改善有可能进展到什么程度,是否会对中俄这些年形成的亲密关系产生影响,成为人们接下来的延伸话题。

  首先要指出,俄美关系高度紧张,美国率西方国家制裁俄罗斯,这是不正常的。两国关系在一定程度上回摆无碍中国利益,俄美改善关系的出发点显然不是要“对付中国”,而是两国关系紧绷之后的一种放松。

  俄美关系根本性改观需要去除一些导致双方对立的条件,它们包括:美国缓和北约东扩战略,停止在东欧部署中程导弹,不再增派甚至撤走北约军队,另外在乌克兰问题上承认俄罗斯的利益。还有美俄要在叙利亚问题上加强协调,就阿萨德政权的前途达成妥协。现在看来,华盛顿后退的空间有限,已经被压到墙角的莫斯科几乎没有后退空间,美国的欧洲盟国则担心被华盛顿“抛弃”。

  中俄走近是一系列长期因素促成的,它给两国带来的战略收益已很稳定,中俄合作的意义对莫斯科完全是积极、正面的,它不是俄以某种特殊代价交换来的,因此俄不存在为发展俄美关系而牺牲中俄关系的理由。

  中美俄大三角的基本形态由力量格局决定,它的首要运行公式是实现力量和态势上的平衡。当美国在三方中力量最强,也采取战略攻势最明显的时候,中俄走得更近就符合国际政治的逻辑。而且正常情况下,中俄关系越好,双方各自发展对美关系就拥有了更多主动性。

  特朗普面临多重挑战,他不可能把改革的资源和主攻方向放在某一特定对外关系上。大国关系的牵制较多,固化的倾向性强,特朗普要改大国关系,恐怕也只能在力度和优先方向上做调整,很难超越大的趋势。

  无论俄美还是中美关系,比较容易改变的是氛围,特朗普在这个层面上拥有的调整空间最大。但是氛围对大国关系来说在一些特殊时候重要,但它所占的实际比重并不大。

  中俄关系在未来很长时间里肯定是中美俄大三角中最稳定的一组双边关系,它经历了从叶利钦时代到普京时代的考验,俄罗斯这期间从倒向西方到与西方交恶,饱经沧桑。中俄关系牢固了,两国就能背靠背,不带包袱地与其他大国握手。相信两国领导人和外交精英群体都很珍惜中俄携手所创造的局面。
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