Hard-Line Conservatism Becoming Normal US Strategy; Shows Growing Importance of Economic Diplomacy

Published in Seoul Economic Daily
(South Korea) on 4 January 2017
by (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Yoonsik Park. Edited by Helaine Schweitzer.

 

 

Donald Trump’s cabinet will be filled with conservative hard-liners. On Jan. 3, President-elect Trump nominated hard-liner Robert Lighthizer, former deputy United States trade representative, as the U.S. trade representative. He even explained that Lighthizer will “do an amazing job helping turn around the failed trade policies which have robbed so many Americans of prosperity." With this nomination, normal U.S. strategy has been to establish a protectionist troika, made up of Peter Navarro (the White House National Trade Council nominee), Wilber Ross (commerce secretary nominee), and Lighthizer. Thus, it can be said that the future cabinet’s tone of “America First” has become clearer.

Those who were in charge of U.S. trade policy during the Reagan administration when the use of “Super 301” was rampant have now grabbed the ball, and it is obvious that the shadows of U.S.-China trade conflict will darken.* It may even become reality that Trump will label China as a currency manipulator and impose retaliatory tariffs of 45 percent on Chinese imports such as steel. Other countries will not be any safer. Ford already scrapped its plans to build a car factory in Mexico and will invest in Michigan instead due to pressure from Trump. It seems that efforts to undermine the North American Free Trade Agreement have already begun. The fact that the U.S.-Korea Free Trade Agreement has been identified as an example of how U.S. jobs are being stolen makes us worry about whether we will be negatively affected.

If a trade war develops between the U.S. and China, and changes are made to the U.S.-Korea FTA, it is obvious that there will be immediate consequences for our export. We desperately need to come up with measures to counter this situation. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs has announced that it will reinforce economic diplomacy to prepare for the possibility of protectionism. The bottom line is that U.S.-Korean senior economic cooperation will be strengthened and that cooperation between the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and its diplomatic missions and corporations will be reinforced in order to prepare for global import restrictions. However, this may have limited effect in countering the massive protectionist measures from abroad. Thus, these measures will have to be accompanied by the close collaboration of the economic, diplomatic, and security sectors. It may also be time to diversify the export line that has been mainly focused on the U.S. and China, and change the development of new main export products that have not changed for more than a decade.

*Editor’s note: The phrase “Super 301” refers to Section 301, a lapsed provision of U.S. trade law, first passed by Congress for two years in 1988 to spur the administration into tougher action against other countries’ allegedly unfair trading practices. The law was subsequently amended and codified in the U.S. Code of Regulations.


도널드 트럼프 차기 미국 행정부의 통상라인이 매파 일색으로 채워지게 됐다. 트럼프 대통령 당선인은 3일(현지시간) 무역정책을 이끌 무역대표부(USTR) 대표에 대중 강경파인 로버트 라이시저 전 USTR 부대표를 지명했다. “미국의 번영을 강탈해간 실패한 무역정책을 바꾸는 작업을 할 것”이라고 설명도 했다. 이번 지명으로 미국 통상라인은 피터 나바로 백악관 국가무역위원회(NTC) 위원장-윌버 로스 상무장관 지명자-라이시저 USTR 대표로 이어지는 보호무역 삼각편대를 구축하게 됐다. 차기 미국 행정부의 ‘자국 우선’이라는 색깔이 통상 분야에서 더 선명해진 셈이다. 

‘슈퍼 301조’가 판치던 로널드 레이건 행정부 시절 통상정책을 담당하고 보호무역을 외치던 인물들이 칼자루를 쥐었으니 미중 무역갈등의 먹구름이 커지는 게 당연하다. 일각에서는 중국에 대한 환율조작국 지정과 철강 등 중국산 제품에 대한 45%의 고율 보복관세 부과가 현실로 나타날 수 있다는 전망도 내놓았다. 다른 나라라고 안전할 리 없다. 당장 멕시코에 자동차 공장을 지으려던 포드가 트럼프의 압력에 못 이겨 투자를 철회하고 본국 공장 설립을 결정했다. 북미자유무역협정(NAFTA) 무력화의 전초전이 시작된 셈이다. 자칫 미국의 일자리를 빼앗아 가는 사례로 지목된 한미 자유무역협정(FTA)으로 불똥이 튀지 않을까 우려되는 대목이다.

미중 무역전쟁이 벌어지고 한미 FTA에 변화가 생긴다면 우리 수출은 직격탄을 맞을 게 뻔하다. 악재에 맞설 대응책 마련이 절실하다. 때마침 외교부가 업무보고에서 보호무역 가능성에 대비한 경제외교를 강화하겠다고 밝혔다. 한미 고위급 경제협의체를 가동하고 글로벌 수입규제에 대응하기 위해 외교부와 해외공관·기업 간 협업체제를 강화하겠다는 것이 골자다. 하지만 이것만으로 밖에서 밀려오는 거대한 보호무역주의의 공세를 막기에는 한계가 있다. 경제-외교-안보라인의 밀접한 공조와 민관 협력이 병행돼야 한다. 이참에 미국과 중국에 편중된 수출선을 다변화하고 10년 넘게 안 변하는 주력품목군도 바꿀 필요가 있다.
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