The End of American Exceptionalism

Published in Lianhe Zaobao
(Singapore) on 13 April 2017
by Yu Shiyu (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Gina Elia. Edited by Christina Virkus.
Ever since the famous French political and social scientist Alexis de Tocqueville first coined the term “American exceptionalism,” this term has continually been used to describe and explain the exceptional status and dominance of the United States. From the two World Wars up to the end of the Cold War, Uncle Sam ruled the roost. After becoming a world leader with whom no one could compete, American exceptionalism raised an even more tremendous clamor than ever before.

As for what American exceptionalism actually represents, there are many competing interpretations. But there is no doubt that by now it has become a form of ethnocentrism. Ethnic or racial rather, references the continual control and dominance of white Protestants in America ever since its founding. It is impossible not to acknowledge that other than the legal system and the traditions of the social contract, both of which were inherited from Great Britain, the whites of the New World stressed a culture of social competition. This is an important factor in America’s surpassing and eventual rise to a higher position of power than the Old World of Europe.

President Trump’s loudly proclaimed slogan “Make America great again” obviously stems from the tradition of American exceptionalism. However, the white Americans who are pushing this populist movement are demonstrating that this mindset of American exceptionalism is rapidly declining, and that it is growing increasingly difficult to carry forward.

The most obvious signal of this trend, demonstrated in a recent article in The Economist that cited new research by American social economists Ann Case and Angus Deaton (a Nobel Prize laureate), is that while the mortality rate of non-white races in every developed country including the U.S. is steadily falling, the mortality rate of middle-aged white Americans has continued to climb since the beginning of the century. The death rate of white Americans between 45 and 54 years old is already double that of the same age group in Sweden.

Even more important, the largest factors behind the rising mortality rate among white Americans are alcoholism, suicide and drugs. Drug overdose deaths are especially prominent and have become a crisis among white American populations. On April 4, the conservative New York Times columnist David Brook published a column calling on the Trump administration to initiate specific countermeasures to resolve this ever more critical social crisis. Brooks highlighted that the areas of the country that have been hit the hardest with deaths from opiate overdosing are precisely the areas where Trump voters are concentrated.

More than a few outsiders hold the bias that drugs in America are primarily a problem among racial minorities. This is because most drug traffickers in the U.S. are black, while Latinos are the main force behind the long-distance trafficking of drugs from various places in South America. But this view overlooks the main reason for the spread of drugs—the huge market demand. White people constitute the largest consumer market for drugs in the United States. The U.S. also has the highest proportion of prisoners in the world, and the amount of black people in that population is above average. All of this largely relates to the severe punishment of drug trafficking in the U.S., but it also conceals the fact that the main consumers of drugs are white people. The recent wave of white Americans dying of drug overdoses has magnified these issues immensely.

In the past few years, the number of people dying from drug overdoses has increased rapidly. Other than the emergence of large quantities of synthetic drugs, addiction to pain medications and other kinds of medications are more prominent causes. Among these, opiates are the biggest culprit. Brooks revealed that in 12 states, the number of prescriptions doctors issued for opiates has actually surpassed the total population.

According to statistical data released by the United States Department of Health and Human Services, as recently as 2015, more than 52,404 people in the U.S. died from drug overdoses, which could almost be compared to the total number of American soldiers who were killed in action during the Vietnam War over the course of more than 10 years. Proportionately speaking, out of 100,000 deaths in America, 5.3 whites died of opiate overdose, two and a half times the number of blacks (2.1) and almost three times the number of Latinos (1.5). Thus, neglect of the spread of drugs and the overdosing issue is gradually becoming a crisis for white Americans.

The underlying social reason for the mortality rate, especially the huge increase in the rate of death from drug overdosing, is that the ability of white people to compete socially has fallen. The Economist and the New York Times have both pointed out that this phenomenon is almost entirely concentrated among white people with low levels of education and technical ability. At the same time, it has also led to a considerable increase in people living together without getting married and children born out of wedlock. This clearly reveals the deterioration of the social structure.

The Economist also took care to point out that although European white people are experiencing the same social and economic crises, “hopeless” mortality rates as high as the American one have yet to appear. The only possible way of explaining this, and this is another trait of American Exceptionalism, is that compared to Europe, the U.S. safety and welfare system is much weaker, especially in that it lacks national healthcare.

After Trump took office, in order to protect the interests of middle and lower-class white people, he didn’t dare to openly encourage decreases in the main welfare program. However, under pressure from the Republican-controlled Congress, he also cannot in the least improve welfare relief for lower-class white people. As the Economist pointed out, to improve the steadily deteriorating plight of the middle and lower white classes, only education and training will strengthen their competitiveness. But in the opinion of Republicans, increasing government expenditure on education is exactly the “socialism” for which the Democrats advocate.

Perhaps for a time the protectionist policies that the Trump administration has implemented will decrease the global competition faced by white Americans with low levels of education, but they will absolutely not help them face the even greater pressures of the tech revolution and artificial intelligence. Even worse, Trump’s measures on immigration like the one lowering the limit on the number of H-1B visas will only hurt America’s secret to success for over 200 years of endlessly taking in and then taking advantage of foreigners, thus quickening the decline and fall of American exceptionalism.


著名法国政治社会学家托克维尔首先提出这一观念后,“美国例外主义”(又译为“美国特殊论”)一直被用来描述和解释美国得天独厚的地位和优势。从两次世界大战到冷战结束,山姆大叔称雄世界,成为无可争议的全球霸主,美国例外主义更是甚嚣尘上。

至于美国例外主义究竟代表什么,是言人人殊的话题,但它已成为民族优越感(ethnocentrism)的一种形式,无庸置疑。这里的民族或不如说种族,指的是立国以来一直把持和主导美国社会的新教白人群体。不能不承认,在由英国继承来的法制和社会契约传统之外,新大陆白人族群强调社会竞争的社会文化,是美国超越欧洲旧大陆、后来居上的重要因素。

特朗普总统高唱的“让美国再次伟大”口号,明显来自美国例外主义传统,但是推动这场民粹主义运动的美国白人群体,却展示了这一美国例外主义正在日薄西山,难以为继。

这一趋势的最明确信号,便是《经济学人》周刊近期引用美国著名社会经济学家夫妇安妮·凯斯(Anne Case)与安格斯·迪顿(Angus Deaton,诺贝尔奖得主)的最新研究,再次显示在所有发达国家及美国其他族群的死亡率不断下降之际,美国中年白人的死亡率却自新世纪以来持续攀升。美国45岁至54岁白人群体的死亡率,已经超过了瑞典同一年龄组的两倍。

更关键的是白人死亡率上扬的动因──酗酒、自杀、毒品。尤其是毒品过量致死,已经成为美国白人群体的一大危机,也是美国媒体新近密切关注报道的题目。4月4日,《纽约时报》保守派专栏作家大卫·布鲁克斯发表专评,呼吁特朗普政府启动专门对策,来解决这个愈演愈烈的社会危机。布鲁克斯强调鸦片类药物过量致死的重灾区,正是特朗普选民集中的选区。

不少外人都有偏见,以为美国毒品主要是少数民族的问题。这是因为黑人是美国国内毒贩的主体,而拉美裔则是从南美等地长途贩运毒品的主力。但是这一看法忽略了毒品泛滥的最主要原因——巨大的市场需求。作为美国人口主体的白人群体,才是毒品的最大消费市场。美国监狱人口比率世界第一,其中黑人比率超常,与法律严惩毒贩有很大关系,但是也掩盖了毒品消费者主要是白人的情况。近年来,白人用毒过量致死浪潮,使得这一事实日益凸显。

近年来,毒品过量致死人数急剧增加,除了人工合成毒品的大量出现,更多还有止痛和其他药物成瘾的原因。鸦片类止痛药物是其中的“主力军”。布鲁克斯揭露,在12个州,医生开出的鸦片类药物处方数量,居然超过了人口总数。

按照美国卫生部公布的统计数字,仅仅2015年,美国毒品过量致死的人数达到5万2404人,几乎可以与越战10多年的美军阵亡总数相比。其中白人每10万人口鸦片类毒品过量致死为5.3人,是黑人(2.1人)的两倍半,是拉美裔(1.5人)的几乎三倍半。由此略见毒品泛滥致死问题,日益成为白人群体的危机。

死亡率特别是毒品致死率高涨背后的社会原因,是美国白人群体的社会竞争力下降。《经济学人》和《纽约时报》都指出,这一现象几乎完全集中在低教育、低技能白人群体中。同时还导致非婚同居和婚外子女的大量增长,出现明显的社会结构退化。

《经济学人》还特别指出,虽然欧洲白人也在经历同样的社会经济危机,却没有出现如此高涨的“绝望”死亡率。唯一可能的解释,便是美国例外主义的另一特征,与欧洲相比,社会安全福利制度远为薄弱,尤其是缺乏全民医保。

特朗普上台后,为了保护中下层白人的利益,不敢大张旗鼓削减主要福利计划。但是在共和党控制的国会压力下,也绝无可能改善下层白人的福利救济。如《经济学人》指出,要改善中下层白人每况愈下的处境,只有通过教育和培训来强化他们的竞争力。但是增加政府教育开支,在共和党看来完全是民主党主张的“社会主义”。

特朗普政府推行的保护主义政策,或许一时间会减少低教育白人面临的全球化竞争,但绝对无助于他们面对更大的科技革命和人工智能压力。更有甚者,诸如减少H-1B签证之类的限制移民措施,只会打击美国200多年来不断吸收利用外来人才的成功秘诀,而加速美国例外主义的衰亡。
作者在北美从事科研工作

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