The Slow Fermentation of the Internal Strife of US Politics

Published in Huanqiu
(China) on 18 May 2017
by Wang Dong & Sun Bingyan (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Fiona McAllister. Edited by Christine Murrison.
In the past few days, Trump’s government has been caught up in multiple political troubles. The U.S. media immediately linked Trump’s lightning-fast firing of FBI Director James Comey to the "Russiagate" investigation. On May 15, The Washington Post once again reported that Trump had leaked top-secret, antiterrorism intelligence, shared with the U.S. by an ally during a discussion with the Russian foreign minister. U.S. politics appear to be suffering a trend toward more and more serious internal strife.

The revelations have not eased the strained relations between Trump and the U.S. media. From a subjective point of view, the media wish to see Trump lose face and are constantly watching Trump for negative press. But there can be no waves without wind, and Trump’s disputes with both members of his own team and those of other factions are well known. Leaks of internal information from the White House to the media have become a strategy of those harboring underlying dissatisfaction and opposition toward some of Trump’s policies, while high-level advisers to Trump who are involved in internal power struggles could have selectively leaked information to attack their opponents. In addition to the increasing political polarization caused by last year’s general election, the Democratic Party is seizing every opportunity to attack Trump’s government. Consequently, the U.S. government’s currently complicated situation has mostly been created by battles between Trump and his subordinates, battles amongTrump’s subordinates themselves and battles between Trump and the Democratic Party and Trump and the media.

It is very difficult to diffuse these kinds of conflicts quickly. Trump could consider re-inspecting the level of loyalty among his team members, not ruling out a “reshuffling” of high-level White House advisers or a reorganization of the internal team. Whether or not Congress will impeach Trump for “obstructing the course of justice” depends on the as yet unpublished content of Comey’s notes — but then again it mainly all depends on the Republican Party.

“Obstructing the course of justice” really could be grounds for Congress to impeach Trump, but this would require the approval of more than 50 percent of the House of Representatives. With the Republican Party controlling Congress, impeaching Trump would mean that the Republican Party would face significant risks in next year’s midterm elections. However, according to opinion polls, Trump’s steadfast supporters have not abandoned him, even amid his current political troubles. Thus, under the current circumstances, the Republican Party cannot support impeaching Trump. Trump’s current political troubles will very likely continue to get worse and develop into a slow fermentation rather than a political storm.

America’s internal political troubles will no doubt affect its actions on foreign affairs. Even now there are still many vacancies in low-level and mid-level positions at the U.S. Department of State and the U.S. Department of Defense. These positions are fundamental to U.S. foreign policy and to how it formulates decisions on specific issues and areas. These vacancies are also leading to an inability to deal with foreign affairs in a timely and meticulous fashion. And, the Democratic Party and the media are relentlessly unwilling to drop the “Russiagate” issue, and this will influence the manner of Trump’s follow-up treatment of relations between the U.S. and Russia. After Trump took office, he expressed the wish to improve U.S.-Russia relations, but the events of “Russiagate” have forced Trump to quickly change direction and take a harder line in relations with Russia. In the wake of all of this, and with political troubles with Russia continuing to ferment, Trump’s notions of improving relations with Russia and of strikes on the Islamic State could be said to be hard to achieve.


王栋 孙冰岩:美国政治内斗仍将缓慢发酵

近日,特朗普政府陷入多重政治麻烦。在特朗普“闪电”式解雇联邦调查局局长科米后,美国媒体马上把此事与“通俄门”调查相关联。5月15日,《华盛顿邮报》再次爆料称特朗普与俄国外长会谈时泄露美国盟友分享的绝密反恐情报。美国政治呈现愈演愈烈的内斗趋势。
  这几家爆料的美国媒体和特朗普的紧张关系一直没有得到缓和,它们从主观上希望看到特朗普出丑,对特朗普的负面消息始终盯住不放。但无风不会起浪,特朗普与各派势力的分歧与冲突,以及团队内部的矛盾与宫斗也是不争的事实。对媒体泄露白宫内部消息成为一些心怀不满的下属反对特朗普某些政策的手段;另一方面,特朗普高层顾问团内部也有可能因为相互斗争而有选择性地泄露某些信息来打压对手。再加上去年大选后美国政治极化形势有增无减,民主党不会放过任何打击特朗普政府的机会。因此,特朗普当政后由特朗普与下属、特朗普下属之间、特朗普与民主党及媒体之间的斗争共同组成美国政府当前复杂的内斗局面。
  这种内斗局面短时间内很难化解。特朗普可能会考虑对他团队成员的“忠诚度”重新考察,不排除对白宫高级顾问圈进行部分“洗牌”、重整其内部团队的可能性。关于国会是否会以“阻挠司法进程”为由对特朗普进行弹劾,这一方面取决于科米尚未完全披露的备忘录内容,另一方面则主要取决于共和党。
  “阻挠司法进程”的确可以成为国会弹劾特朗普的理由,但弹劾需要众议院半数以上通过。在共和党控制国会的情况下,通过对特朗普的弹劾意味着共和党在明年中期选举中面临较大风险。而且从民调来看,特朗普的铁杆支持者并没有因为他现在的政治麻烦而背弃他。因此在当前形势下,共和党不可能支持弹劾特朗普,特朗普当前遇到的政治麻烦很可能以缓慢发酵而非暴风骤雨的方式发展下去。
  美国的政治内斗不可避免地会影响美国的外交实践。截至现在,美国国务院、国防部的很多副职以及中高层职位依然空缺。这些职位是美国在具体议题和区域制定、落实外交政策的基干力量,这也导致很多外交事务无法及时、细致地得到处理。而民主党及媒体穷追不舍的“通俄门”也会影响特朗普后续处理美俄关系的态度。特朗普在就职后表现出改善美俄关系的意愿,但“通俄门”事件迫使特朗普迅速在对俄关系上转向强硬。随着这些和俄罗斯有关的政治麻烦持续发酵,特朗普试图改善美俄关系、共同打击“伊斯兰国”的想法在近期内可以说是很难实现了。
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