The Human Rights Standard

Published in El País
(Spain) on 25 July 2017
by Lluis Bassets (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Kaleb Vick. Edited by Matthew Boyer.
First, evil objectives: banning immigrants, prohibiting Muslims from entering the U.S., denying rights to sexual minorities or abolishing a universal health care system. Later, the deeds, which fortunately still face stumbling blocks of resistance, rule of law and the separation of powers. Poor intentions do not always become reality, as shown by Congressional actions against resident Donald Trump’s decrees and Congress’ interference with attempts to abolish former President Obama's health care reform.

In any case, what's done is done because the terrible intentions ended up having an effect. Even though the plan didn't stay on track, intimidation has already occurred. The vicious cycle of distress and insecurity has been transformed into discrimination and violence in the everyday lives of ordinary people by those in authority.

Human Rights Are Disappearing from United States Foreign Policy

Not counting the geopolitical clutter, it's enough that this presidency is, so far, only raising concern, but it sets a bad example that could expand later. When the president of the richest, most powerful country in the world treads these dark waters, many others feel authorized to wade in as well or have their worst practices justified, practices which have been more or less hidden until now. Even though Trump is addicted to fake news, one must recognize his ethical directness: he likes despots, criminals included. His presidency pays tribute to Putin, Xi Jinping, Rodrigo Duterte, Abdelfata al Sisi, Erdogan, Orbán and Salman bin Abdulaziz; those he endorses and who inspire him. It sets a bad example but that's what he chooses.

In accordance with this presidency, human rights are essentially disappearing from U.S. foreign policy at the hands of the White House and the Trump family. The Department of State will see 30 percent of its budget cut, the embassies and most strategic positions will still be covered, and Secretary of State Rex Tillerson is in charge, a man trained at the relentless school of the petroleum industry, prone to looking the other way when trying to extract oil in places where corrupt dictators govern. When he travels to Moscow or Riyadh, for example, he doesn't earn the sentimentality that his predecessors earned when they sought to meet with human rights activists and were interested in the incarcerated.

Therefore, the embarrassing international disregard for the death of Chinese political prisoner and Nobel Peace Prize recipient Liu Xiaobo under conditions that aroused suspicion, is perfectly understandable. George W. Bush and his "neocons" searched the destroyed Buddhas of Bamyan and the burqa for moral arguments to support intervention in Afghanistan in 2001 in retaliation for the attacks on 9/11. Trump, on the other hand, has found a material reason to keep the U.S. Army in the Afghan country and continue the 16-year war waged by his country: its enormous mineral wealth, which he wants to explore and include in his deals, those economic agreements that are beneficial for everyone.


Primero, los malos propósitos: expulsar inmigrantes, prohibir la entrada de musulmanes, denegar derechos a las minorías sexuales o abolir el sistema de salud universal. Luego, los hechos, que afortunadamente todavía tropiezan con resistencias, Estado de derecho y división de poderes, de forma que los malos propósitos no siempre se convierten en realidad, como demuestran la acción de la justicia contra los decretos de Donald Trump o la obstaculización del Congreso a las pretensiones de abolición de la reforma sanitaria de Obama.

En todo caso, el mal está hecho, porque las pésimas intenciones terminan ellas solas produciendo sus efectos. Aunque el programa no termine cumpliéndose todo entero, el amedrentamiento ya se ha producido. El círculo vicioso de angustia e inseguridad se traduce al menos en discriminaciones y violencia en la vida cotidiana por parte de los agentes de la autoridad y de la gente corriente incluso.
Descontando el desorden geopolítico, hasta aquí bastaría para que esta presidencia suscitara la máxima preocupación. Pero luego está el mal ejemplo que cunde y se expande. Cuando el presidente del país más rico y poderoso del mundo transita por estos oscuros caminos, son muchos los que se sienten autorizados también a transitarlos o ven avaladas sus peores prácticas más o menos disimuladas hasta ahora. Aunque Trump sea un adicto de las noticias falsas, hay que reconocerle su sinceridad moral: le gustan los déspotas e incluso los criminales. Su presidencia rinde homenaje a Putin, Xi Jinping, Rodrigo Duterte, Abdelfatá Al Sisi, Erdogan, Orbán o Salman bin Abdulaziz, a los que avala y en los que se inspira. Da mal ejemplo pero también lo toma.
En consonancia con la presidencia, los derechos humanos están desapareciendo de la política exterior de Estados Unidos, prácticamente en manos de la Casa Blanca y de la familia Trump. El departamento de Estado verá recortado un 30% su presupuesto, las embajadas y cargos más estratégicos están todavía por cubrir y al frente hay un secretario de Estado como Rex Tillerson, formado en la implacable escuela de la industria petrolera, tan proclive a mirar hacia otro lado cuando se trata de extraer crudo donde rigen dictaduras corruptas. Cuando viaja a Moscú o a Riad, por ejemplo, no incurre en los sentimentalismos de sus predecesores, que procuraban entrevistarse con militantes de derechos humanos y se interesaban por los encarcelados.

Se entiende perfectamente, por tanto, la vergonzosa desatención internacional a la muerte, en condiciones que suscitan la sospecha de un asesinato de Estado, del disidente chino y premio Nobel de la Paz Liu Xiaobo. George W. Bush y sus neocons buscaron en la destrucción de los budas de Bamiyan y en el burka los argumentos morales para reforzar la intervención en Afganistán en 2001 en represalia por los atentados del 11-S. Donald Trump ha encontrado en cambio razones materiales para mantener al Ejército estadounidense en el país afgano y continuar la guerra más larga, 16 años ya, librada por su país: su enorme riqueza mineral, que quiere explotar y convertir en objeto de sus deals, esos acuerdos económicos provechosos para todos.
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