The unanswered question of whether Mexico will continue to rely on NAFTA to place its products in duty-free markets generates more speculation than realistic responses. A final answer will come from the decisions made in the three capitals involved. There are various possibilities. The first of these, disconnecting our economy from NAFTA, would lead to a long complicated process of designing formulas for regional coordination that would have less drastic results than a simple break. This way, our country would stay connected to some regional plan.
The concerns in Mexico about the complete disappearance of NAFTA resemble those that stood out in the United Kingdom before the strange popular decision that led to Brexit. Even at this late hour, that country has groups shaped by prominent personalities trying to salvage even some of the advantages and preferences that they enjoyed as members of the European Union.
There are those in Mexico who are relatively certain that our exports will continue to have easy access to the North American market whether NAFTA remains – in spite of firm personal opposition from President Trump – or through another negotiable route. Possible alternatives to the current treaty are the revival of the Trans-Pacific Partnership, still sidelined in the ministries of various countries including ours, and the expansion of the thriving Pacific Alliance, which we founded with Chile, Peru and Columbia, and which plans to extend to Asia.
The trade associations in development, such as the great Chinese program to link the confines of Eurasia, hold prospects yet to be presented. In this regard, the numerous treaties of all kinds that we have signed over the past years will be extremely useful. The most modest option would be to abide by the regulations of the World Trade Organization, which would become strengthened by transferring the operations of NAFTA. If our foreign trade is relatively secure, included or not in some regional organization, this does not resolve the weakness in our foreign trade, particularly in the manufacturing sector, which generates a problematic deficit.
It has been stated and repeated for decades that the fact that foreign components continue to contribute a high percentage of what we produce and then export reduces the taxable value of these goods for Mexico. This leaves millions of Mexicans in the agro-industry and in manufacturing without work and without real prospects for a life with dignity.
The strong dependency of our economy on the automotive sector reminds us that our pre-eminent position among the world’s car manufacturers does not mean that sector is ours or that the decisions in this area are made by Mexicans mindful of our economic interests. All of the ownership and decisions in that industry are foreign. The number of automotive plants grows without accepting the obvious convenience of having Mexican partners.
There is much to do in this and many other areas of national development. We all know it.
Our previews of 2018 confirm that it is full of challenges that those who seek to occupy the presidential seat of the Republic will have to resolve frequently in lightning interviews. They will not be able to respond superficially. The tone and text of each of these answers will be noted and processed by national analysts and by foreign professional observers.
The candidates’ answers must be realistic and practical. These will determine the tone and seriousness of the answers that will be deposited in ballot boxes in the middle of the year.
Posibles alternativas al actual tratado son la de reanimar el proyecto del TPP, aun latente en las cancillerÃas de varios paÃses, incluso el nuestro; ampliar la pujante Alianza del PacÃfico de la que somos miembros fundadores con Chile, Perú y Colombia, y que tiene intenciones de extenderse a Asia.
Las asociaciones que están en formación, como el gran programa chino de enlazar los confines de Eurasia, encierran perspectivas que se nos presentan. A este respecto, serán sumamente útiles los numerosos tratados de toda Ãndole que hemos firmado a lo largo de los últimos años. La opción más modesta serÃa atenernos a las reglas de la OMC, institución que se verÃa fortalecida al transferÃrsele las operaciones del TLCAN.
La fuerte dependencia de nuestra economÃa del sector automotor nos recuerda que la preeminente posición que tenemos entre los fabricantes mundiales de vehÃculos no significa que ese sector sea nuestro o que las decisiones en esa área sean tomadas por mexicanos atendiendo a intereses de la economÃa mexicana. La total propiedad y decisión de esa industria es extranjera. El número de plantas automotrices crece sin aceptar la evidente conveniencia de tener socios mexicanos.
Hay mucho por hacer en ese y otros muchos campos del desarrollo nacional. Todos lo sabemos.
Las primeras oteadas que damos al año 2018 nos confirman que está repleto de retos a los que aspiran a ocupar la Silla Presidencial de la República tendrán que resolver muchas veces en entrevistas relámpago. No podrán responder superficialmente. El tono y el texto de cada una de las respuestas serán anotados y procesados por analistas nacionales y observadores profesionales en el extranjero.
Las respuestas de los candidatos tienen que ser realistas y practicables. De ellas dependerá a su vez el tono y seriedad de las respuestas que han de depositarse en las urnas a mediados de año.
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The message is unmistakable: there are no absolute guarantees and state sovereignty is conditional when it clashes with the interests of powerful states.
Venezuela is likely to become another wasted crisis, resembling events that followed when the U.S. forced regime changes in Libya, Afghanistan and Iraq.
Venezuela is likely to become another wasted crisis, resembling events that followed when the U.S. forced regime changes in Libya, Afghanistan and Iraq.