Someone − probably from the Israeli government since Washington doesn’t have an ambassador in Tel Aviv worthy of such a title − should send Nikki Haley, the United States’ ambassador to the United Nations, or Donald Trump himself, a video of the end of the school day in Gaza. There are so many children in the Gaza Strip that most schools have to organize two separate exits, sometimes even three, so that all those kids will fit. At the beginning and the end of the school day, a swarm of children that seems to come out of nowhere takes over the streets of Gaza. Dozens and dozens of Palestinian children, the future. Many of them are refugees, children, grandchildren and even great-grandchildren of refugees, who came from villages that have been literally wiped off the map in what is today Israel. These children go to schools set up by the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees. Trump and Haley have threatened this agency, and the Palestinian National Authority in general, with a withdrawal of economic support if the Palestinians don’t return to the negotiating table, which has been empty since 2014 (figuratively speaking).
Putting aside the obvious fact that blackmail doesn’t tend to be the best way of building trust between two parties to a conflict (at least not when it’s done so blatantly and via Twitter), one doesn’t have to be a genius to figure out what would happen to the schools and the children who study in them if the U.N. relief agency was left without funds.
Aid and Assistance
Aside from its contribution to the U.N. coffers, the United States earmarks $400 million for Palestine every year, a sum that is divided between its cooperation agency (USAID) and direct aid to the PNA. With this money (and the money from the rest of the international community) the PNA offers services and pays salaries, the U.N. relief agency alleviates the miserable living conditions of the refugees, and dozens of international and Palestinian non-profit organizations carry out dozens of projects.
It’s thanks to this network of aid, assistance to refugees and direct help to the PNA that the economic and social situation in the occupied territories isn’t worse than it is. Or, for that matter, more explosive. Besides, even though this isn’t its goal, the system allows Israel to avoid its administrative responsibilities as occupying force (educating the children of Gaza, for example), allows the Palestinians to consume Israeli products, like a captive audience, and allows the Palestinian security forces to do the dirty work for them in the West Bank.
Trump and Haley’s threats prove, once again, their ignorance of, or indifference to, the dynamics of the Middle East. Beyond blackmail, they have to pay attention to the way things are headed: a break with the status quo, the sidelining of the Palestinians and the PNA pushed into a corner and humiliated with nothing to offer and nothing to lose. It’s not in the best interests of Israel, which always uses the status quo to its advantage, to be left without something like a Palestinian National Authority on the other side of the wall. Sometimes, there are friends who kill.
Trump e Israel: amigos que matan
A Israel, que siempre saca petróleo del 'statu quo', no le conviene quedarse sin una ANP al otro lado del muro
Cooperación y asistencia
Al margen de su aportación a las arcas de la ONU, EEUU dedica cada año 400 millones de dólares a Palestina, divididos entre su agencia de cooperación (USAID) y la ayuda directa a la ANP. Con este dinero (y el del resto de la comunidad internacional), la ANP ofrece servicios y paga salarios, UNRWA palÃa las mÃseras condiciones de vida de los refugiados y decenas de ONG internacionales y palestinas llevan a cabo decenas de proyectos.
Es gracias a este entramado entre cooperación, asistencia a los refugiados y ayuda directa a la ANP que la situación económica y social en los territorios ocupados no es peor de lo que ya es. Y, por tanto, explosiva. Además, aunque no es ese su objetivo, este sistema permite que Israel no asuma su responsabilidad administrativa como ocupante (educar a los niños de Gaza, por ejemplo), que los palestinos, como mercado cautivo, consuman productos israelÃs y que las fuerzas de seguridad palestinas les hagan el trabajo sucio en Cisjordania.
Las amenazas de Trump y Haley prueban, de nuevo, su ignorancia o indiferencia por las dinámicas de Oriente Próximo. Más allá del chantaje, hay que prestar atención a la tendencia: ruptura del statu quo, irrelevancia de los palestinos, arrinconada y humillada y sin nada que ofrecer, ni que perder, la ANP. A Israel, que siempre saca petróleo del statu quo, no le conviene quedarse sin algo parecido a una ANP al otro lado del muro. A veces, hay amigos que matan.
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The message is unmistakable: there are no absolute guarantees and state sovereignty is conditional when it clashes with the interests of powerful states.
Venezuela is likely to become another wasted crisis, resembling events that followed when the U.S. forced regime changes in Libya, Afghanistan and Iraq.
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Venezuela is likely to become another wasted crisis, resembling events that followed when the U.S. forced regime changes in Libya, Afghanistan and Iraq.
We are faced with a "scenario" in which Washington's exclusive and absolute dominance over the entire hemisphere, from Greenland and Canada in the north to the southern reaches of Argentina and Chile.