Are We Close to a Military Intervention?

Published in Analitica
(Venezuela) on 22 February 2018
by Editorial (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Stuart Abel. Edited by Elizabeth Cosgriff.
Since Donald Trump said that he is not ruling out a military option, many Venezuelans, like the hostages in SWAT team movies, fantasize about an armed intervention that will finally put an end to the hostage takers. Long live Hollywood!

Now there is no talk of invasion, but of humanitarian intervention. We understand that we can’t expect intervention the United Nations, since the Security Council won't allow it over vetoes from China and Russia. So it will be a unilateral or collective action, similar to the U.S. action in Grenada in 1983, or NATO in Kosovo in 1999. The question is: What country or group of countries will send their young people to fight (and die) for the cause of a freedom that we have not been able to win back?

A series of recent events has created expectations, including Trump’s insistence that he is not ruling out a military option, Rex Tillerson's tour of the region, the formation of a coalition to confront the Venezuelan government, the presence of the U.S. Southern Command in Colombia and the deployment of Colombian and Brazilian troops on the border. Surprisingly, parts of both the opposition and the government view these events as international intervention. The former are happy that the end is near. The criminal government conspirators are very worried, and should be, because there is a sword of Damocles hanging over their heads. Roy Chaderton and Tarek Saab proclaim that Colombia is preparing a joint invasion with the Yankees, while Nicolás Maduro is asking the pope to prevent such an invasion.*

These events are part of a plan to create “ideological containment” (asserted by Rómulo Betancourt**) around the Castro-Chavista Venezuela, but are empowered by ongoing and strong international pressure stemming from sanctions by the U.S. and Europe on the members of the Venezuelan government, as well as economic sanctions which have barely begun with Trump's Treasury Department. The European Parliament has already asked for an expansion of sanctions to include "the president, vice-president, the Defense Minister, and the highest ranking members of the military," Maduro's "tightest circle," and his family.*** The European Parliament could go further than that and impose economic sanctions or take a position similar to the position it took with Cuba. For its part, the U.S. policy of “T&T” (Trump and Tillerson) has already been announced and increases personal sanctions as well as oil sanctions.

Is a military intervention possible? Yes, it is insofar as the Venezuelan government becomes a clear and present danger to the U.S. and its neighbors, if, for example, it endangers the stability of Colombia, or its level of involvement with "transnational crime organizations" is considered an "immediate ... threat to our hemisphere," as dictated by the T&T policy. But this is unlikely. Maduro and the Cubans know how far to push their luck.

In the short and medium term, sanctions will be increased on the government’s leaders and their families. Later there will be stronger economic sanctions similar to the sanctions that involve oil. The intention is to destabilize the government regime so that we can take advantage of these circumstances from within in order to promote change. If this is not achieved, we will end up worse off than the Cubans, isolated and subject to not only hunger and a police state, but also to common and semi-state-sponsored crime.

*Editor’s note: Roy Chaderton is a senior Venezuelan diplomat and politician; Tarek Saab is a Venezuelan politician; Nicolás Maduro is the president of Venezuela.

**Editor’s note: Romulo Betancourt, known as “The Father of Venezuelan Democracy,” was the 47th and 54th president of Venezuela, serving from 1945-1948, and again from 1959-1964. He died in 1981.

***Editor’s note: This quotation, accurately translated from the original, could not be verified.


Desde que Trump dijo que no descartaba la opción militar, muchos de los venezolanos como secuestrados al fin, pensando en las películas de SWAT, fantasean con una intervención armada que acabe con los secuestradores. ¡Viva Hollywood!

Ahora no se habla de invasión sino de intervención humanitaria. Entendemos que no será la prevista en la ONU, pues el Consejo de Seguridad no lo permitiría con China y Rusia vetando. Así que sería unilateral o colectiva como la de EEUU en Granada, en 1983, o la OTAN en Kosovo en 1999. La pregunta es ¿qué país o grupo de países pondrá a su juventud a luchar (y morir) por la causa de una libertad que nosotros no hemos sabido reconquistar?

Una serie de eventos recientes han creado expectativa, entre ellos la insistencia de Trump en no descartar la opción militar; el periplo de Tillerson por la región armando una coalición para enfrentar al pranato; la presencia del Comando Sur en Colombia y el despliegue de tropas colombianas y brasileras en la frontera. Sorpresivamente, tanto algunos de la oposición como del pranato han visto en ellos la concreción de la intervención internacional. Los primeros se alegran de que el fin está cerca. Los conchupantes del pranato están muy preocupados y deben estarlo porque hay una espada de Damocles sobre sus cabezas. Chaderton y Saab vociferan que desde Colombia se prepara una invasión junto con los yanquis, mientras Maduro pide al Papa que no permita tal invasión.

Estos eventos son parte de un plan para crear un ‘cordón sanitario’ (Rómulo Betancourt dixit) alrededor de la Venezuela castrochavista, pero repotenciado con una fuerte presión internacional proveniente de sanciones a miembros del pranato, por EEUU y Europa, así como económicas, que apenas han empezado con las financieras de Trump. Ya la Eurocámara pidió expandir las sanciones incluyendo a “el presidente, el vicepresidente, el ministro de Defensa, los miembros de más alto rango del Ejército”, a su “círculo más estrecho” y a sus familias. Y podría ir más allá e imponer sanciones económicas o una posición común como la que tuvo con Cuba. Por su parte, la política T&T (Trump/Tilerson) de EEUU ya ha anunciado aumento de sanciones personales así como sanciones petroleras.

¿Es posible una intervención militar? Sí lo es, en la medida en que el pranato se convierta en un clear and present danger para EEUU y los vecinos, por ejemplo, que pueda poner en peligro la estabilidad de Colombia, o que su nivel de involucramiento con las “organizaciones delictivas transnacionales” sea considerado una “amenaza… inmediata para nuestro hemisferio”, como dicta la política T&T. Pero esto es poco probable. Maduro y los cubanos saben hasta dónde estirar la cuerda.

En el corto y mediano plazo se aumentarán las sanciones a la cúpula del pranato y a sus familiares. Luego vendrán sanciones económicas más fuertes como las petroleras. La intención es debilitar al régimen para que nosotros desde adentro aprovechemos estas circunstancias para promover el cambio. De no lograrlo, terminaremos peor que los cubanos aislados y sometidos no solo el hambre y a la policía política sino por la delincuencia común y paraestatal.
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