Staying Firm on NAFTA

Published in www.excelsior.com.mx
(Mexico) on 21 April 2018
by Julio Faesler (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Nick Dauster. Edited by Laurence Bouvard.
In the North American Free Trade Agreement renegotiations, the Mexican government is insisting on the best outcomes for the general population while paying special attention to workers. But a profound North American discomfort with NAFTA has emerged, which complicates reaching that goal. For President Donald Trump, the growing deficit that his country faces in its economic relations with Mexico has become his obsession and only point of reference.

That is what has sparked the current acidic confrontation between the two countries, which is encouraged by the indisputable repugnance felt by their president toward us Mexicans for reasons of race.

More important than the above-mentioned issue are the basic discrepancies between the visions of the current U.S. president and the Mexican government about how to develop a country. Trump is wedded to a crude concept of free enterprise, whenever it coincides with his personal experience in the management of his own businesses, and, incidentally, equally for resolving the problems of the most powerful government on earth. The path to world hegemony is a simple extension of what he has used to dominate his personal business environment. The rejection of Mexico is complete, and the clash over NAFTA inevitable. Trump’s proposals are unacceptable, and in that context, the survival of the treaty is caught in the middle.

The fact that Mexico has not proposed renegotiating or ending the agreement gives this country an advantage, since even while there are proposals for improvements that could be included, we can continue to use NAFTA in its current version. The urgency is not ours. Even with Trump’s denunciation, there is still a period in which the treaty can be used.

But there are political situations that ensure that decisions cannot wait too long. President Trump is receiving his worst popular ratings, hounded on all sides by the enemies that he makes for himself on a daily basis; his situation is dire. Complications accumulate around him these days, some as personal as his peculiar relations with women — of which more than enough has been revealed — others arise from his continuing to work with his businesses while he attempts to function as chief of the most powerful country on the planet.

Add to that the formal investigations into the Kremlin’s interference in the elections that sent Trump to the White House. Elections at the end of this year could end the Republican majority that defends him in the House of Representatives. At the moment, a weakened Trump is doubted by all and in every way.

Trump needs to undo the gigantic and dangerous puzzle that he himself created. Ironically, saving NAFTA would help him. Industry would back him and the banking sector would devote itself to explaining to the workers who support him the benefits of another term.

The political calendars in both countries are short enough. In Mexico, the presidential elections in early June are sufficient to cause speculation about what will happen if López Obrador wins and fulfills his promise to end NAFTA. There are those who want to provoke that danger by pushing to have the signature on the treaty text steamed away.

NAFTA is criticized for ending diversity in our export business, condemning us to being dominated by our North American customers. The easy response is that other treaties and alliances have been signed, but are not being taken advantage of.

Taking the whole picture into consideration, one can conclude that Mexico’s development is better assured with NAFTA than without it. To make changes, it would be necessary to keep the lower tariffs that have already been consolidated intact, and the system for addressing disputes in place, along with the rules of origin in automobile manufacturing.

We do not have to be frightened over the prospect of losing NAFTA. It could be beneficial. It would shake us out of the entrepreneurial drowsiness in which we find ourselves and diversify our exports.

The next round of negotiations is scheduled from April 23 to May 4. What we should do is stay firm on the core principles of our own interest, continue to play our cards well, and, simultaneously, do what is necessary to strengthen economic and judicial structures so that Mexico increasingly contributes to its own peace and prosperity and that of the world.



En la renegociación del TLCAN, el gobierno de México está insistiendo en lograr las mejores condiciones en favor de la población en general, con atención especial a los trabajadores. Contra este propósito ha aflorado una profunda incomodidad norteamericana con el TLCAN. Para el presidente Trump, el crecido déficit que su país registra en sus relaciones económicas con México se convirtió en su obsesión y único referente.
Es esto lo que disparó la ácida confrontación actual entre los dos países fomentada por la indudable repugnancia que ese mandatario siente hacia nosotros por razones de raza.
Más importante que lo anterior son las discrepancias básicas entre las visiones del actual presidente norteamericano y del gobierno mexicano sobre cómo realizar el desarrollo de un país. Donald Trump se alía a un crudo concepto de la libre empresa, siempre y cuando coincida con su experiencia personal de manejo de sus propios negocios y que, de paso, igual vale para resolver los problemas que llegan al gobierno más poderoso del mundo. La ruta hacia la hegemonía mundial es simple extensión de la que ha usado para imponerse en su propio entorno empresarial. El rechazo en México es total y el inevitable choque se da en el tema del TLCAN. Las pretensiones de Trump son inaceptables y en su discusión va de por medio la supervivencia del tratado.
El que México no haya planteado la renegociación o desaparición del acuerdo da una posición de ventaja, ya que aun habiendo propuestas de mejoras que pudieran introducirse, podemos seguir utilizando el TLCAN en su versión actual. La prisa no es nuestra. En el caso de ser denunciado por Trump, queda todavía un plazo de aplicación.
Pero hay situaciones políticas que dictan que las decisiones no tarden demasiado. El presidente Trump está en sus peores índices de popularidad, acosado por todos lados por enemigos que él mismo a diario se fabrica, su predicamento es grave. Las complicaciones que se le acumulan en estos días, unas de tipo tan personal, como sus peculiares y bastantes relaciones femeninas, u otras que se derivan de seguir adelante con sus negocios mientras intenta desempeñarse como el jefe del país más poderoso del planeta.
A lo anterior se añaden las indagaciones formales sobre la interferencia del Kremlin en las elecciones que llevaron a Trump a la Casa Blanca. Las elecciones a finales de año en Estados Unidos podrían acabar con la mayoría republicana en la Cámara de Diputados que lo defiende. Por ahora, un Trump debilitado es cuestionado por todos y en todos sentidos.
Al presidente Trump le urge deshacer el gigantesco y peligroso rompecabezas que él mismo armó. Salvar al TLCAN, como ironía del destino, le favorecería. Le respaldaría la industria y la banca de Estados Unidos y se dedicaría a explicarle a sus partidarios obreros las bondades del nuevo giro de su actuación.
Los calendarios políticos son bastante estrechos en ambos países. Para México, las elecciones presidenciales a principios de julio dan razón para especular qué sucederá si López Obrador triunfa y cumple su propósito de acabar con el TLCAN. Hay quienes quieren conjurar ese peligro apresurando la firma del texto terminado al vapor.
La crítica que se le hace al TLCAN es que acabó con la diversificación de nuestro comercio exterior, condenándonos a ser dominados por nuestros clientes americanos. La fácil respuesta está en los tratados y alianzas que se han firmado, aunque sigan desaprovechados.
Tomando todo el panorama en consideración, puede concluirse que el desarrollo de México queda mejor asegurado contando con el TLCAN que sin él. De hacérsele cambios, habrá que mantener incólumes las rebajas arancelarias ya consolidadas, el sistema de atención a controversias en vigor y las reglas de origen en materia automotriz.
No hay que asustarnos ante la perspectiva de quedarnos sin TLCAN. Eso podría ser benéfico. Nos sacudiría de la modorra empresarial en que nos hallamos y que retrasa la diversificación de nuestro comercio exterior.
La próxima ronda de negociaciones se proyecta del 23 de abril hasta el 4 de mayo. Lo que toca hacer es ser firme en los puntos medulares de nuestro interés, seguir jugando bien nuestras cartas y, simultáneamente, hacer lo necesario para fortalecer estructuras económicas y jurídicas para que con ellas México contribuya cada vez más a la paz y prosperidad propia y del mundo.

This post appeared on the front page as a direct link to the original article with the above link .

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