What the Wall Teaches Us about American Democracy

Published in Nihon Keizai Shimbun (Nikkei)
(Japan) on 5 February 2019
by Shinji Mukoono (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Eric Stimson. Edited by Helaine Schweitzer.
There has been much reporting on the border wall between America and Mexico. President Donald Trump and the Democrat-controlled U.S. House of Representatives have fiercely clashed over funding for its construction, resulting in a temporary shutdown of some government institutions. It appears that there will be twists and turns before a resolution, and some think that Trump might declare a national emergency to appropriate the funds.*

And yet, America is not in as much trouble as we think. The annual budget is divided into 12 bills based on different categories, and five of these were passed before last year’s midterm elections. Expenditures for mandatory spending like public pensions are set by authorization bills.

Even if some appropriations bills are not passed, states have broad powers and everyday life for the public isn’t much affected. Furloughed government employees have trouble when there is a shutdown, but they are paid eventually. This means that one can think of shutting down part of the government as political theater by the president.

There are two points of incongruity in this issue. One is America’s structure. In Japan, we are taught that the Diet is the highest government institution, and it was America that guaranteed this in the constitution, but in the U.S. itself, it’s hard to shake the impression that the president instead is the highest government institution.

First of all, the president can continue his or her work and disregard the will of the majority party in Congress. He or she has the authority to consign bills passed by both chambers of Congress to oblivion using the president’s veto power. If the president wants, he can make budget appropriations by declaring a national emergency.

As far as common ground goes, the president only has to face Congress when he or she delivers the State of the Union address. If the system was like Japan, where prime ministers frequently explain themselves to the Diet, would the situation be this turbulent?

The other point – and this has been pointed out in America as well – is that a national emergency would only be a way to build the wall immediately. National emergencies usually refer to a war or major disaster. Declaring them is a way to respond at once by enacting a plan without legislative approval. Besides, compared to the flood of refugees to Europe several years earlier, illegal immigration to the U.S. is small.

You could say that Trump has made these systemic problems clearer. Now might be an opportunity to rethink the concept of democracy and the ideal structure of the nation.

*Editor’s note: This article was originally published before President Trump declared a national emergency on Friday, Feb. 15, 2019.




米国とメキシコとの「国境の壁」に関するニュースが盛んに報じられている。建設費用の予算計上を巡りトランプ米大統領と、民主党が多数を占める米議会下院が鋭く対立し、このあおりで一部の政府機関が一時閉鎖される事態となった。決着までにはなお曲折があるとみられ、最終的にはトランプ氏が非常事態宣言を発し、建設費用を計上することになると思われる。

それでも米国では我々が考えるほどの問題にはなっていない。歳出予算は分野別に12本の法案として出され、うち5本は昨年の中間選挙前に成立している。公的年金などの義務的経費はそれぞれの権限法で歳出額が決まっている。

一部の歳出法案が不成立でも州の権限が大きいこともあり、国民生活に極端な支障を与えていない。閉鎖されて困るのは自宅待機の政府職員だが、給与はいずれ支払われる。だから、一部政府機関の閉鎖は大統領の政治的アピールと考えられているのである。

この問題では2つの点で違和感がある。1つは米国の仕組みである。日本に国会こそが国権の最高機関であると教え、それを憲法に明記させたのは米国だが、その本家本元では議会よりも大統領の方が最高機関ではないかという印象がぬぐえない。

まず、その地位でいうと、議会の多数派の意向と関係なく職務を続けることができる。権限でいえば、議会両院で可決した法案も大統領の拒否権で葬り去ることができる。大統領がやりたいと思えば、非常事態宣言を踏まえた予算の計上も可能だ。

議会との接点でいうと、大統領は一般教書演説の時くらいしか議会に出向かないでいい。日本のように、首相が頻繁に国会に出て説明する仕組みになっていれば、ここまで事態が混乱することもなかったのではないだろうか。

もう1つは、米国でも指摘されていることだが、非常事態として緊急に壁を造るしか対応策がないのだろうかという点だ。非常事態といえば一般的に戦争や大災害のことを指す。その宣言をするのは、これらに緊急に対応すべく議会の承認を得ずに何かを実行するためである。数年前に欧州へ殺到した難民の数と比べても、米国に来る不法移民の数は少ない。

こうした制度上の問題はトランプ氏だからこそ顕在化したといっていい。いま一度、デモクラシーの概念や国の機構のあり方について考え直す機会なのかもしれない。
This post appeared on the front page as a direct link to the original article with the above link .

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