John Bolton Goes to War
In 2003, he was an advocate for the Iraq War, and now, still saying one thing publicly but thinking something else, is working discreetly for another war he deeply wants in order to overthrow the regime of the Ayatollahs
They don't want another war. Or that's what they say, although their gestures refute that sentiment. The escalation has already taken place. The amount of friction is growing and so is the risk that goes with it. The Spanish government did well in withdrawing its naval frigate from the U.S. convoy, which diverted from its initial mission of circumnavigating the globe in order to enter the danger zone, thereby putting pressure on Iran. It acted quickly and that is how is should have been: Washington was the one that changed the mission, and it is the one that should defend against decisions and threats that had nothing to do with government in Madrid.
Spain was there from day one, and through the European Union, was part of the group of countries that achieved the feat that was the multilateral Iran nuclear deal. There was also decisive participation from a top European foreign policy representative, the Javier Solana of Spain, in the first phase of negotiations, before George W. Bush authorized diplomatic involvement.
The unilateral and arbitrary rupture of the agreement as the result of Donald Trump’s decision to withdraw, and the encouragement and applause from two hawks like Benjamin Netanyahu and Mohammed bin Salman, negatively affect all of the European partners, including Spain.
It would be ironic if the man who promoted the nuclear deal and who has been damaged by its rupture is now viewed as someone who is obligated to applaud the warmongering gesture and threat against Iran, which has not violated the agreement. The Islamic regime in Iran deserves all due repudiation for its complete lack of respect for the human rights or civil liberty of its citizens, as well as for its provocations and wars for power in the region. But the Saudi despot who ordered the assassination of Jamal Khashoggi and organized mass executions of those who oppose him is not likely to take a lesson; neither is Benjamin Netanyahu, who has systematically violated international resolutions and thoroughly destroyed another transcendent diplomatic agreement, the 1993 Oslo Accords between the Israelis and Palestinians.
Trump, focusing on his personal desires, says that he does not want another war in the Middle East. Khamenei, like the astute clergymen who know God's plans, already knows that a war will not happen, and there are reasons to believe there will be no war: the U.S. wants to leave the region, where it has already withdrawn from three conflicts, two in the Gulf and another in Afghanistan; Iran still retains vivid memories of fighting against Iraq between 1980 and 1988; there are two incendiary wars that continue to burn on in Syria and Yemen which is a sufficient argument against being enchanted by a third conflict in which they will ultimately have to face the great coalition of Saudis, Emirates, and Israelis protected by Trump against an Iran that will immediately seek regional alliances and the support of China and Russia.
As pacifist as the declarations by one party or another may be, one must act in response to actions. With Trump is not only exhibiting growing and unexpected provocation in the Middle East. His erratic and noisy presidency is creating new risks in at least three other places on the planet, from Venezuela to Korea, crossing the sea to southern China. Given the U.S. withdrawal from the nuclear deal and its disastrous economic repercussions on the life of Iranians, reformist President Hassan Rouhani has lost momentum, paving the way for warmongering radicals like Qasem Soleimani, commander of Guardians of the Revolution special forces that intervene in Syria, Iraq and Lebanon.
John Bolton, the warmonger-in-chief, has also been preparing for these dirty tasks his entire life, and has been settled in his new office as national security advisor for a year. Bolton advocated for the Iraq War and the overthrow of Saddam Hussein in 2003, and now, still saying one thing publicly but thinking something else, is working discreetly for this other war that he wants so badly in order to overthrow the regime of the Ayatollahs.
They don't want another war. Or that's what they say, although their gestures refute that sentiment. The escalation has already taken place. The amount of friction is growing and so is the risk that goes with it. The Spanish government did well in withdrawing its naval frigate from the U.S. convoy, which diverted from its initial mission of circumnavigating the globe in order to enter the danger zone, thereby putting pressure on Iran. It acted quickly and that is how is should have been: Washington was the one that changed the mission, and it is the one that should defend against decisions and threats that had nothing to do with government in Madrid.
Spain was there from day one, and through the European Union, was part of the group of countries that achieved the feat that was the multilateral Iran nuclear deal. There was also decisive participation from a top European foreign policy representative, the Javier Solana of Spain, in the first phase of negotiations, before George W. Bush authorized diplomatic involvement.
The unilateral and arbitrary rupture of the agreement as the result of Donald Trump’s decision to withdraw, and the encouragement and applause from two hawks like Benjamin Netanyahu and Mohammed bin Salman, negatively affect all of the European partners, including Spain.
It would be ironic if the man who promoted the nuclear deal and who has been damaged by its rupture is now viewed as someone who is obligated to applaud the warmongering gesture and threat against Iran, which has not violated the agreement. The Islamic regime in Iran deserves all due repudiation for its complete lack of respect for the human rights or civil liberty of its citizens, as well as for its provocations and wars for power in the region. But the Saudi despot who ordered the assassination of Jamal Khashoggi and organized mass executions of those who oppose him is not likely to take a lesson; neither is Benjamin Netanyahu, who has systematically violated international resolutions and thoroughly destroyed another transcendent diplomatic agreement, the 1993 Oslo Accords between the Israelis and Palestinians.
Trump, focusing on his personal desires, says that he does not want another war in the Middle East. Khamenei, like the astute clergymen who know God's plans, already knows that a war will not happen, and there are reasons to believe there will be no war: the U.S. wants to leave the region, where it has already withdrawn from three conflicts, two in the Gulf and another in Afghanistan; Iran still retains vivid memories of fighting against Iraq between 1980 and 1988; there are two incendiary wars that continue to burn on in Syria and Yemen which is a sufficient argument against being enchanted by a third conflict in which they will ultimately have to face the great coalition of Saudis, Emirates, and Israelis protected by Trump against an Iran that will immediately seek regional alliances and the support of China and Russia.
As pacifist as the declarations by one party or another may be, one must act in response to actions. With Trump is not only exhibiting growing and unexpected provocation in the Middle East. His erratic and noisy presidency is creating new risks in at least three other places on the planet, from Venezuela to Korea, crossing the sea to southern China. Given the U.S. withdrawal from the nuclear deal and its disastrous economic repercussions on the life of Iranians, reformist President Hassan Rouhani has lost momentum, paving the way for warmongering radicals like Qasem Soleimani, commander of Guardians of the Revolution special forces that intervene in Syria, Iraq and Lebanon.
John Bolton, the warmonger-in-chief, has also been preparing for these dirty tasks his entire life, and has been settled in his new office as national security advisor for a year. Bolton advocated for the Iraq War and the overthrow of Saddam Hussein in 2003, and now, still saying one thing publicly but thinking something else, is working discreetly for this other war that he wants so badly in order to overthrow the regime of the Ayatollahs.
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