Silence in the Face of Migrant Tragedies
Published in La Jornada
(Mexico) on 24 July 2019
by Ana Maria Aragones (link to original)
(Mexico) on 24 July 2019
by Ana Maria Aragones (link to original)
Translated from
by Brandee McGee.
Edited by Denile Doyle.
Donald Trump continues to use endless threats and outbursts to generate applause and support from his electoral base, convinced that this is the way to win reelection. This is undoubtedly a macabre form of logic that exemplifies an “ends justify the means” mindset; there is no consideration of the damage inflicted upon desperate people who are forced, sometimes at the expense of their own lives, to search for a new way of life. The main problem is this celebrity’s impunity. Lamentably, foreign governments do not present better alternatives to support the migrants and even use these migrants for eminently electoral purposes.
The abuse of those most vulnerable is already seen as normal in this new century despite the shocking images of deaths like that of young Alan Kurdi on the shores of Turkey three years ago, or of little Valeria as she clutched her father in the Rio Grande. And what can be said of the young German captain Carola Rackete, who was detained in Italy for rescuing migrants and was nearly sentenced to years in prison?
International organizations do not offer effective protection against inequities by governments. They have not managed to go beyond recommendations, proposals or pacts that, without being binding, easily become defunct when faced with lack of sanctions for breaching what should be inescapable humanitarian compromises at the international level.
One should ask why the Organization of American States, so ready to denounce Nicolas Maduro, does not at least make a statement about actions taken by one of its members against Central American migrants, those who are denied international rights, such as asylum and refuge, clearly in violation of their fundamental rights.
Why has the United Nations Human Rights Committee not immediately put the U.S. government’s behavior on the international agenda, behavior which shamelessly violates the right to asylum and refuge? We would hope that Michelle Bachelet uses her high-ranking position to denounce a policy that clearly violates international law.
This happens with countries that, given their status of well-being and wealth, should take in immigrants — many of these countries have ruthlessly exploited the inhabitants and resources of and historically been the source of serious problems in the migrant caravans’ origin countries. One cannot fail to mention the specific cases of the Central American countries of Guatemala, El Salvador and Honduras, acknowledging, as we have in other articles, the damage inflicted there by the United States itself. However, none of these Central American countries have responded with an ounce of self-criticism regarding the mass exodus of their nationals. They avoid responsibility through insecurity; extreme poverty; and absence of minimum benefits for their population: education, health and fair employment. The worst are the arguments that they employ to justify themselves: “Migrants driven by political groups!”
Mexico should remain a country of asylum and refuge for all those who suffer human rights violations and who try to come to the country. Under no circumstances should it accept being the border police as the United States government hopes it will; lamentably, it seems that the U.S. has achieved as much if we abide by the “peace offering” that Mike Pompeo awarded Mexico and the numbers he gave Chancellor Marcelo Ebrard after pointing out that the flow of migrants was reduced by 31% in June. Still not satisfied, they are now considering expanding their immigration reform. What are they referring to, that they want more immigration?
Detaining and deporting migrants to prevent them from crossing the border is matching the perverse and fascist game that our northern neighbor plays, and the worst part is shattering what — at the beginning of this administration — was framed as immigration reform with human rights after understanding the desperation and the need for survival that characterizes the base of the migratory phenomenon.
It is not silence and complicity that should permeate the current government but rather the implementation of the highest values of ancient Mexican diplomacy, without going down the wrong path.
The abuse of those most vulnerable is already seen as normal in this new century despite the shocking images of deaths like that of young Alan Kurdi on the shores of Turkey three years ago, or of little Valeria as she clutched her father in the Rio Grande. And what can be said of the young German captain Carola Rackete, who was detained in Italy for rescuing migrants and was nearly sentenced to years in prison?
International organizations do not offer effective protection against inequities by governments. They have not managed to go beyond recommendations, proposals or pacts that, without being binding, easily become defunct when faced with lack of sanctions for breaching what should be inescapable humanitarian compromises at the international level.
One should ask why the Organization of American States, so ready to denounce Nicolas Maduro, does not at least make a statement about actions taken by one of its members against Central American migrants, those who are denied international rights, such as asylum and refuge, clearly in violation of their fundamental rights.
Why has the United Nations Human Rights Committee not immediately put the U.S. government’s behavior on the international agenda, behavior which shamelessly violates the right to asylum and refuge? We would hope that Michelle Bachelet uses her high-ranking position to denounce a policy that clearly violates international law.
This happens with countries that, given their status of well-being and wealth, should take in immigrants — many of these countries have ruthlessly exploited the inhabitants and resources of and historically been the source of serious problems in the migrant caravans’ origin countries. One cannot fail to mention the specific cases of the Central American countries of Guatemala, El Salvador and Honduras, acknowledging, as we have in other articles, the damage inflicted there by the United States itself. However, none of these Central American countries have responded with an ounce of self-criticism regarding the mass exodus of their nationals. They avoid responsibility through insecurity; extreme poverty; and absence of minimum benefits for their population: education, health and fair employment. The worst are the arguments that they employ to justify themselves: “Migrants driven by political groups!”
Mexico should remain a country of asylum and refuge for all those who suffer human rights violations and who try to come to the country. Under no circumstances should it accept being the border police as the United States government hopes it will; lamentably, it seems that the U.S. has achieved as much if we abide by the “peace offering” that Mike Pompeo awarded Mexico and the numbers he gave Chancellor Marcelo Ebrard after pointing out that the flow of migrants was reduced by 31% in June. Still not satisfied, they are now considering expanding their immigration reform. What are they referring to, that they want more immigration?
Detaining and deporting migrants to prevent them from crossing the border is matching the perverse and fascist game that our northern neighbor plays, and the worst part is shattering what — at the beginning of this administration — was framed as immigration reform with human rights after understanding the desperation and the need for survival that characterizes the base of the migratory phenomenon.
It is not silence and complicity that should permeate the current government but rather the implementation of the highest values of ancient Mexican diplomacy, without going down the wrong path.
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