While the president of the United States, Donald Trump, lavished gestures toward detente in several directions at the close of the meeting of the Group of 7 leading nations, suspicions abounded that all the fine talk was little more than a last-minute act. Not even the announcement that China is willing to negotiate a trade agreement to put an end to the tariff war or readiness to defuse tensions with Iran under certain circumstances was able to reduce the feeling that the summit in Biarritz was unclear in its aims and meager in its results. It would have been difficult for the outcome to have been any different after the meeting's tempestuous preparations, in the midst of the global trade crisis and in light of great uncertainty concerning the usual major subjects: Syria, the struggle for hegemony in the Persian Gulf, North Korea, an endless Brexit, environmental disasters and many others.
There is no lack of precedent giving reason to doubt the depth of Trump’s latest proposals and statements. They all contain massive doses of improvisation and sensationalism, there is no basis for them to translate into tangible results, and it is unlikely that things will transpire differently this time around. As has been said so frequently since Trump moved into the White House, the president has blown up the very concept of multilateralism and moved toward disposal of the reasoning that has traditionally guided U.S. foreign policy.
Although markets have received Trump’s statements positively, it is unlikely that he will accept a dismantling of tariffs that entails reviewing the main lines of his economic plan from top to bottom. It is equally unlikely that a mere declaration of intent coming from Iran will persuade Trump that the ayatollahs’ republic has no aspiration of owning a nuclear arsenal. It is frankly far-fetched to presume that he will give up on admitting Russia to the G-7 club—morphing it into the G-8—despite the opposition of European allies, an issue that was hardly discussed in Biarritz, yet both Emmanuel Macron and Angela Merkel believe there are no two ways about it. And it is likewise unrealistic to imagine the president reprimanding Jair Bolsonaro on account of his disastrous management of the Amazon fires, a topic like so many others in which the relative unanimity of those gathered in Biarritz conceals insurmountable differences between both sides of the Atlantic. This is all the G-7 had to offer.
No faltan precedentes para dudar de la hondura de las últimas propuestas y declaraciones de Trump. Hay en todas ellas dosis masivas de improvisación, efectismo y falta de mimbres para que se traduzcan en resultados concretos, y es poco probable que en esta ocasión las cosas discurran de forma diferente. Como tantas veces se ha dicho desde que Trump se instaló en la Casa Blanca, el presidente ha hecho saltar por los aires la idea misma de multilateralismo y ha conducido todos sus pasos hacia una liquidación de los argumentos que tradicionalmente han guiado la polÃtica exterior de Estados Unidos.
Aunque las bolsas han acogido con cifras en verde las declaraciones de Trump, es improbable que transija con un desarme arancelario que supondrÃa revisar de pies a cabeza las lÃneas maestras de su programa económico. Es igualmente improbable que una mera declaración de intenciones iranà le convenza de que la república de los ayatolás no aspira a poseer un arsenal nuclear. Es francamente aventurado suponer que renunciará a meter a Rusia en el club del G-7 –mutado en G-8– a pesar de la oposición de los aliados europeos, un asunto apenas discutido en Biarritz pero que para Emmanuel Macron y Angela Merkel no tiene vuelta de hoja. Y es asimismo ilusorio imaginar al presidente corrigiendo a Jair Bolsonaro en su desastrosa gestión de los incendios en la Amazonia, un tema como tantos otros en el que la relativa unanimidad de los convocados en Biarritz oculta diferencias insalvables entre las dos orillas del Atlántico. El G-7 no da para más.
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Venezuela is likely to become another wasted crisis, resembling events that followed when the U.S. forced regime changes in Libya, Afghanistan and Iraq.
We are faced with a "scenario" in which Washington's exclusive and absolute dominance over the entire hemisphere, from Greenland and Canada in the north to the southern reaches of Argentina and Chile.
Venezuela is likely to become another wasted crisis, resembling events that followed when the U.S. forced regime changes in Libya, Afghanistan and Iraq.
We are faced with a "scenario" in which Washington's exclusive and absolute dominance over the entire hemisphere, from Greenland and Canada in the north to the southern reaches of Argentina and Chile.