Free-Rider Theory

Published in El País
(Spain) on 7 September 2019
by Joaquín Estefanía (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Lincoln Schick. Edited by Margaret McIntyre.
Now is the time of governments (that's why it's so important for our country to have one as soon as possible, without wasting any more time). Faced with this new phase of economic slowdown, the policy developed by the central banks (very low or negative interest rates, purchase of public and private debt, etc.) has hardly any ability to improve people's lives. Its ammunition is almost exhausted. It is time to stimulate public investment in social services like health and education, which were punished during the Great Recession; industry, which was abandoned in the background; or the fight against poverty and inequality, which worsened. This will undoubtedly require more public spending, for which, in a place such as the eurozone, for example, greater flexibility will be required in the Stability and Growth Pact.

A majority of experts share this prediction, but in many cases there is a lack of political will to implement it. Many rulers, gripped by their traditional ideological rigidity, prefer to continue squeezing their central banks' monetary policy and applying the American Mancur Olson's free-rider theory: a free rider is someone who enjoys the benefits of collective action without participating in it. The free-rider theory (also known as collective action theory) is a formulation arguing that rational actors tend to abstain from collective action insofar as they think others will do their part to achieve some mutually beneficial objective.

In any case, central banks will continue to play an essential role in economic policy. For example, people are waiting expectantly for Mario Draghi's last set of measures before giving up the presidency of the European Central Bank and leaving it to Christine Lagarde. From their origin, central banks have been criticized by progressives for their great autonomy from freely elected political powers. The French economist Jean-Paul Fitoussi called them "undemocratic institutions" that increasingly influence the daily lives of citizens with enormous degrees of operational independence. However, they do not lack democratic legitimacy since their members are appointed by democratically elected powers, and they exercise functions attributed by the legislator within the law. They are not subject to any instructions or guidelines in how they carry out their actions, nor are they freely removable due to a loss of confidence in the politicians who appointed them.

But now the sense of criticism has changed. There are leaders like Trump or Erdogan who want to achieve their political objectives by subduing central bankers and placing them at their direct orders. In the middle of a commercial, technological and currency battle with China, Trump tweeted the following message: "China is not our problem ... Our problem is with the Fed." Trump's criticism of Jerome Powell — the president of the Fed, who he appointed — is ongoing.

An unusual event occurred at the beginning of last August. The four living ex-presidents of the Fed (Paul Volcker, Alan Greenspan, Ben Bernanke and Janet Yellen) wrote a joint article in The Wall Street Journal calling for the Fed to act free of political pressure. The four cover the period of the last six US presidents, both Democrats and Republicans (Reagan, Bush Sr., Clinton, Bush Son, Obama and Trump): "As former chairs of the board of governors of the Federal Reserve System, we are united in the conviction that the Fed and its chair must be permitted to act independently and in the best interests of the economy, free of short-term political pressures and, in particular, without the threat of removal or demotion of Fed leaders for political reasons ... It is critical to preserve the Federal Reserve’s ability to make decisions based on the best interests of the nation, not the interests of a small group of politicians." Rebellion impends.

Now it is about gradually turning attention from the central banks to governments so that they stimulate demand through public investment. Are we all Keynesians again, as in 2008 and beyond?


Es la hora de los gobiernos (por ello es tan importante para nuestro país contar con uno cuanto antes, sin perder más tiempo). Ante esta nueva fase de desaceleración económica, la política elaborada por los bancos centrales (tipos de interés muy bajos o negativos, compra de deuda pública y privada,…) apenas tiene ya efecto para mejorar la vida de la gente. Su munición está casi agotada. Es el momento de estimular la inversión pública en servicios sociales como la sanidad y la educación, tan castigados durante la Gran Recesión; en la industria, abandonada en segundo plano; o en el combate contra la pobreza y la desigualdad, tan multiplicadas. Ello precisará, indudablemente, de más gasto público para lo que, en una zona por ejemplo como la del euro, se requerirán mayores dosis de flexibilidad en el Pacto de Estabilidad y Crecimiento.

Hay mayoría de expertos que comparten este pronóstico, pero en muchos casos falta voluntad política para ponerlo en marcha. Muchos gobernantes, atenazados por su tradicional rigidez ideológica, prefieren seguir exprimiendo la política monetaria de los bancos centrales y aplican la teoría del gorrón del norteamericano Mancur Olson: el gorrón es aquel que disfruta de los beneficios de una acción colectiva sin participar en ella. La teoría del gorrón es una formulación que sostiene que los actores racionales tienden a abstenerse en la acción colectiva en la medida en que piensan que otros harán la parte que les toca para conseguir algún objetivo mutuamente beneficioso.

En cualquier caso, los bancos centrales seguirán teniendo un papel esencial en la política económica. Por ejemplo, se espera con expectación el último paquete de medidas que tomará Mario Draghi el próximo jueves, antes de abandonar la presidencia del BCE y dejarla en manos de Christine Lagarde. En sus orígenes, los bancos centrales fueron criticados desde posiciones progresistas por su gran autonomía de los poderes políticos libremente elegidos. El economista francés Jean-Paul Fitoussi los ha denominado “instituciones ademocráticas” que cada vez influyen más en la vida cotidiana de los ciudadanos, con enormes grados de independencia operacional. Sin embargo, no carecen de legitimidad democrática ya que sus miembros son nombrados por poderes democráticamente elegidos y ejercen funciones atribuidas por el legislador en el marco de la ley, aunque no están sometidos en el ejercicio de sus funciones a instrucción o directriz alguna ni son libremente removibles por pérdida de confianza por los políticos que los designaron.

Pero ahora ha cambiado el sentido de las críticas. Son dirigentes como Trump o Erdogan los que quieren lograr sus objetivos políticos sometiendo a los banqueros centrales y poniéndolos a sus órdenes directas. En plena batalla comercial, tecnológica y de divisas con China, Trump tuiteó el siguiente mensaje: “Nuestro problema no es China sino la Fed [Reserva Federal, el banco central de EEUU]”. Las críticas de Trump a Jerome Powell, presidente de la Fed nombrado por él, son continuas.

A principios del pasado mes de agosto ocurrió un hecho insólito. La cuatro expresidentes vivos de la Fed (Paul Volcker, Alan Greenspan, Ben Bernanke y Janet Yellen) escribieron un artículo conjunto en The Wall Street Journal pidiendo que la Fed actuase libre de presiones políticas. Entre los cuatro cubren el periodo de los últimos seis presidentes de EEUU, tanto demócratas como republicanos (Reagan, Bush padre, Clinton, Bush hijo, Obama y Trump): “Como expresidentes de la junta de gobernadores del sistema de la Fed estamos unidos en la convicción de que se debe permitir que la Fed y su presidente actúen de manera independiente y en el mejor interés de la economía, libres de presiones políticas a corto plazo y, en particular, sin la amenaza de destitución por razones políticas (…) Es fundamental preservar la capacidad de la Fed de tomar decisiones en función de los mejores intereses para la nación, no para un pequeño grupo de políticos”. Rebelión a bordo.

Ahora se trata de girar la atención poco a poco desde los bancos centrales hacia los gobiernos, para que estimulen la demanda a través de la inversión pública. ¿Somos todos keynesianos otra vez, como en el año 2008 y siguientes?
This post appeared on the front page as a direct link to the original article with the above link .

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