The Russian Scheme, at a Standstill
Published in ABC
(Spain) on
by David Alandete (link to original)
(Spain) on
by David Alandete (link to original)
Translated from
by .
Edited by Margaret McIntyre.
Capitol Hill continues to bring in witnesses suspected of working with the Kremlin, to no avail.
The Democratic Party remains determined to exploit the Russian scheme as one of Donald Trump’s major weaknesses leading up to the presidential election that will be held in little over a year, with rather poor results. This week, the opposition-led House Judiciary Committee questioned Corey Lewandowski, one of Trump’s senior campaign officials, about his connections with Russia, and he turned the hearing into a mockery of the Democrats, arguing that this scheme is nothing more than a political witch hunt.
Lewandowski’s testimony demonstrated that, three years later, the Russian scheme has already reached the end of its useful life as a political football in American politics. This strategist and political adviser vigorously defended Trump, ruthlessly ridiculing those investigating him. He used his hearing, which was broadcast by the major television networks, to promote himself as a potential Senate candidate in New Hampshire, something for which he has Trump’s blessing, of course.
In March, Special Counsel Robert Mueller concluded his investigation into Russian meddling in the 2016 presidential election, and detailed his findings in a thorough report and in an appearance before Congress in June. According to Mueller, the Kremlin approved two online campaigns designed to skew the presidential election in Trump’s favor, but Trump neither had knowledge of them nor did he take part in them. Another question Mueller did not comment on remains unconfirmed, which is whether Trump tried to hinder the investigation. The response from the White House is simple: why would Trump maneuver to cover up a crime he did not commit?
Lewandowski’s role in that supposed scheme is critical, since in 2017, Trump tasked him with asking then-Attorney General Jeff Sessions to shut down the entire investigation. Lewandowski failed to deliver the message, and Democrats summoned him to the Hill to explain why. Lewandowski offered the implausible answer that he went on vacation and forgot about the president’s request. For his part, Sessions allowed the investigation to run its course, and Trump, after mercilessly criticizing Sessions, unceremoniously fired him last year.
The fact is, since the conclusion of Mueller’s investigation, Democrats have been running out of strings to pull. They may continue dragging Trump’s employees and former employees around Capitol Hill, but those people are becoming increasingly adept in the art of denying everything and making their boss a victim, which would be quite convenient for him, as he is about to enter an election year.
The Democratic Party remains determined to exploit the Russian scheme as one of Donald Trump’s major weaknesses leading up to the presidential election that will be held in little over a year, with rather poor results. This week, the opposition-led House Judiciary Committee questioned Corey Lewandowski, one of Trump’s senior campaign officials, about his connections with Russia, and he turned the hearing into a mockery of the Democrats, arguing that this scheme is nothing more than a political witch hunt.
Lewandowski’s testimony demonstrated that, three years later, the Russian scheme has already reached the end of its useful life as a political football in American politics. This strategist and political adviser vigorously defended Trump, ruthlessly ridiculing those investigating him. He used his hearing, which was broadcast by the major television networks, to promote himself as a potential Senate candidate in New Hampshire, something for which he has Trump’s blessing, of course.
In March, Special Counsel Robert Mueller concluded his investigation into Russian meddling in the 2016 presidential election, and detailed his findings in a thorough report and in an appearance before Congress in June. According to Mueller, the Kremlin approved two online campaigns designed to skew the presidential election in Trump’s favor, but Trump neither had knowledge of them nor did he take part in them. Another question Mueller did not comment on remains unconfirmed, which is whether Trump tried to hinder the investigation. The response from the White House is simple: why would Trump maneuver to cover up a crime he did not commit?
Lewandowski’s role in that supposed scheme is critical, since in 2017, Trump tasked him with asking then-Attorney General Jeff Sessions to shut down the entire investigation. Lewandowski failed to deliver the message, and Democrats summoned him to the Hill to explain why. Lewandowski offered the implausible answer that he went on vacation and forgot about the president’s request. For his part, Sessions allowed the investigation to run its course, and Trump, after mercilessly criticizing Sessions, unceremoniously fired him last year.
The fact is, since the conclusion of Mueller’s investigation, Democrats have been running out of strings to pull. They may continue dragging Trump’s employees and former employees around Capitol Hill, but those people are becoming increasingly adept in the art of denying everything and making their boss a victim, which would be quite convenient for him, as he is about to enter an election year.
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