In Nixon’s Footsteps

Published in El País
(Spain) on 7 October 2019
by Francisco G. Basterra (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Charlotte Holmes. Edited by Helaine Schweitzer.
Washington has been shocked by a scandal that has the potential to provoke a national trauma. Another “Watergate,” or, this time, “Ukrainegate.”

For months, we had faith in the idea that constitutional counterweights would keep Donald Trump in check. We also believed that the president would modify his outlandish behavior and start conducting himself like an adult who adheres to the institutional rules of the White House and obeys the rule of law. After all, nobody, not even the president of the United States, is above the law.

We were wrong. We should have known. Trump gave clear signs that his presidency would be like a broken Ferris wheel. Let’s not forget his claim that he could go out onto Fifth Avenue in New York and shoot someone without facing any consequences. The Founding Fathers made it clear they were creating a government based on laws, not people. In addition, in order to prevent tyrannical rule, they designed the constitutional process of impeachment, which is both a political and criminal inquiry conducted by Congress in order to legally remove a president from office. It is legal action that can be taken against the tyrannical abuse of power.

It is a measure to be taken with extreme caution with respect to the presidential process involving the world’s leading superpower, whose democratically elected head of state amasses an enormous amount of power, including control of the military. Washington has been shocked by a scandal that has the potential to provoke a national trauma. Another “Watergate,” or, this time, “Ukrainegate,” which came to light via allegations about an effort to use the president’s power to pressure other countries into interfering in U.S. elections. The most recent and surprising attempt, which involved China, was revealed not by a whistleblower but by Trump himself. He is behaving like the key witness for the prosecution at his own trial.

The 45th president alleges there is a deep state conspiracy among the CIA, the FBI and the State Department aimed at finishing him off politically. He claims to be the victim of a huge hoax and a witch hunt. He proposes that the whistleblower responsible for reporting his conversation with the Ukrainian president, whom Trump solicited for help and pressured for dirt on Biden, be treated as a spy and be subject to antiquated Cold War rules.

His reaction to the plunge the Democrats have taken with their tentative impeachment inquiry is desperate. There is a lot at stake: The inquiry could fail because the Republican-controlled Senate will not find Trump guilty; the wounds caused by Ukrainegate could discourage Trump from running for reelection; or it could be that he is defeated at the ballot box on Nov. 3, 2020. The Democrats’ attempt to use a shortcut to take Trump out, a route that the president himself provoked them into taking, could rebound on them like a boomerang. It could bolster Trump and grant him four more years in the White House.

Many years ago, I asked Ben Bradlee, editor of The Washington Post during Watergate, what history would say about the dishonest president. From his office at the newspaper, he replied, “Richard Nixon, the only U.S. president forced to resign in disgrace. That’s how history will remember him.”

How will Donald Trump be remembered?


Tras las huellas de Nixon
Conmoción en Washington por un escándalo con la capacidad de convertirse en un trauma nacional. Otro 'Watergate', esta vez un 'Ucraniagate'

Durante muchos meses confiamos en que los contrapesos constitucionales refrenarían a Trump. Y que el presidente ajustaría su conducta extravagante, portándose en la Casa Blanca como un adulto operando dentro de las reglas institucionales, observando la filosofía constitucional del imperio de la ley. Por el que nadie, ni siquiera el presidente de los Estados Unidos, está por encima de su cumplimiento.

Nos equivocamos. Debimos haberlo advertido, Trump dio señales claras de que su presidencia sería una noria enloquecida. Recordemos su afirmación de que podría salir a la Quinta Avenida de Nueva York y pegarle cuatro tiros a cualquiera, sin que a él le pasara nada. Los padres fundadores de EE UU dejaron claro que creaban un Gobierno de leyes, no de personas, y para evitar el dominio de un tirano diseñaron la figura constitucional del impeachment, el juicio político, pero también penal, por el Legislativo, para derrocar legalmente a un presidente. Un proceso contra el abuso tiránico del poder.

Extrema cautela del sistema presidencialista de la primera superpotencia mundial en el que el jefe del Estado, votado por el pueblo, acumula un enorme poder, incluido el militar. Conmoción en Washington por un escándalo con la capacidad de convertirse en un trauma nacional. Otro Watergate, esta vez un Ucraniagate. Destapado por la denuncia de los intentos de utilizar el poder de la presidencia para presionar a terceros países a interferir en las elecciones de EE UU. El último y más sorprendente, revelado por Trump, no por un delator, a China. Actúa como si el principal testigo de cargo para su procesamiento fuera él mismo.

El 45 presidente denuncia la existencia de una supuesta conspiración del Estado profundo, que va desde la CIA al FBI, pasando por el departamento de Estado, para acabar con él políticamente. Afirma que lo que se está viviendo es un engaño colosal, una caza de brujas. Propone tratar como espía, y aplicarle las viejas reglas de la guerra fría, al soplón garganta profunda que denunció la conversación de Trump pidiendo ayuda al presidente de Ucrania y presionándole para dañar a Biden.

Su reacción al salto a la piscina de los demócratas con el inicio de un impeachment, al que van con grandes dudas, es desesperada. Hay mucho en juego: que no triunfe porque el Senado, controlado por los republicanos, no sentenciaría la presidencia de Trump; que las heridas del Ucraniagate le hagan desistir de presentarse a la reelección. O su derrota en las urnas el 3 de noviembre de 2020. Acabar con Trump mediante un atajo, una provocación a la que el propio presidente les ha atraído, puede volverse contra los demócratas como un bumerán Reforzar a Trump y darle cuatro años más en la Casa Blanca.

Hace bastantes años, en su despacho del Washington Post, Ben Bradlee, el director del diario durante el Watergate, a quien había inquirido sobre qué diría la historia del presidente tramposo, me respondió: "Richard Nixon, el único presidente de EE UU que se vio obligado a dimitir deshonrado. Así es como le recordará la historia."

¿Cómo será recordado Donald Trump?
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