Subversive Donald Trump

Published in El Periódico
(Spain) on 25 November 2019
by Marçal Sintes (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Marta Quirós Alarcón. Edited by Margaret McIntyre.
The most powerful man in the world has turned out to be a revolutionary and, like all revolutionaries, he has chosen to subvert history.

We are not long past the memorials and festivities for the fall of the Berlin Wall, which took place in November 1989. A wall whose purpose − perhaps it is worth recalling − was not for protection or defense. Its purpose was not to dissuade intruders or enemies, but to prevent those living in the Eastern sector − millions and millions of people − from fleeing what was a massive prison, namely, the Soviet dictatorship and the constellation of countries under its boot.

Its construction, in 1961 was proof of the failure of the Communist experiment. An empire that builds a wall to enclose its citizens in order to prevent them from seeking a better life is bound to fail.

The fall of the wall was a sign that the United States had won the Cold War. It was postulated that, from then on, nothing would be able to stop the pairing of democracy and markets (in a better or worse state of well-being), a formula that would spread across the globe. The dialectic that had been the cause of so much tension since World War II had stopped working. It had ended. We had reached “the end of history,” to quote Francis Fukuyama in 1992. Jihad would soon provide the grim reveal that what was to come were not the times of peace, freedom and prosperity we had imagined.

Both prior to 1989 − while grappling with the Soviet Union − as well as after, the U.S. was firmly committed to influencing the world in every field. There was ongoing criticism of the power wielded by the U.S., especially from the 1960s onward. The repeated accusation was that the U.S. was imperialist, and emphatically, that it exercised imperial control in the political, military, economic, commercial, scientific, cultural and media-related spheres. Some of this criticism was part of the ideological struggle, but some was perfectly in line with the truth. By definition, an empire − especially when in conflict with another − will behave like an empire. It is in its nature, and there is little to be done to prevent it.

The Isolation Plan

In recent years, however, a lot has changed, both in Europe and the United States: in Europe, with the crisis of the European project, the growth of far-right political parties and the Brexit crisis, and in the U.S., with the election of Donald Trump.

Regarded as the most powerful man in the world, Trump has turned out to be a revolutionary and, like all revolutionaries, he has chosen to subvert history, taking policies traditionally implemented by the U.S. and stripping them of meaning. With respect, Trump is anti-imperialist. For instance, contrary to the neocons, he does not wish to export or impose his model of society on the rest of the world.

Trump is breaking away from the openness to others typical of liberal democracies. The U.S. is withdrawing into its borders. The harsh treatment enforced on immigrants, the withdrawal from the Paris climate agreement on climate change, the constant challenges to NATO, the withdrawal of troops from Syria and the boycotting of international trade are just some examples.

With regard to the model of society, not only does Trump refuse to export or, at least, promote the installation of political regimes based on democratic values and human rights, but his greatest friends are some of the worst autocrats on the planet. At the same time, he continues to rebuke his traditional European allies and has no qualms about encouraging the folly of Brexit.

The most successful catchphrase in the Brexit campaign, created by a very smart and dangerous fellow named Dominic Cummings, reads as follows: “Take back control.” This is a slogan that Trumpism could very easily claim and which is perfectly compatible with his “Make America Great Again.”

“Take back control” is an appeal to all those who have become baffled by and afraid of globalization and the changes that come along with it, to all of those who miss the world as it used to be, with its order and apparent certainties. “Take back control” also entails, of course, turning your back on the unfamiliar and that which you do not understand, retreating. Wash your hands of what is happening out there, to those others. Get back inside; you will be safe there. Seek cover in the things you know and be who you really are.

The U.S., which was built by those who fled Europe in search of freedom, has made a U-turn, surrendering to the old isolationist temptation in the 21st century. Meanwhile, other powerful international players are filling the void, particularly China, a digital dictatorship, a sinister colossus determined to conquer the future.



Donald Trump, subversivo

El hombre más poderoso del mundo ha resultado ser un revolucionario y ha elegido, como hacen los revolucionarios, subvertir la historia

No hace mucho que hemos dejado atrás los recordatorios y celebraciones por la caída del muro de Berlín, ocurrida en noviembre de 1989. Un muro, quizá haya que recordarlo, que no era de protección o defensa. No para disuadir a intrusos o enemigos, sino para impedir que la gente que vivía en el lado este, millones y millones de personas, pudieran huir de una inmensa prisión. Es decir, de la dictadura soviética y la constelación de países sometidos a su bota.

Su construcción en 1961 constituyó una evidencia del fracaso del experimento comunista. Un imperio que levanta una muralla para encerrar a sus ciudadanos, para impedirles ir en búsqueda de una vida mejor, está destinado a la derrota.

La caída del muro fue el símbolo que los Estados Unidos habían ganado la guerra fría. A partir de entonces, se aventuró, la fórmula basada en el binomio formado por democracia y mercado (con mayor o menor estado del bienestar) no tendría nada que la pudiera detener e iría extendiéndose por todo el globo. La dialéctica que había tensado el mundo desde la segunda guerra mundial había dejado de funcionar, había cesado. Habíamos llegado al final de la Historia, por decirlo como lo dijo Francis Fukuyama en 1992. Pronto el yihadismo nos revelaría amargamente que lo que venía no eran los imaginados tiempos de paz, libertad y prosperidad.

Tanto antes -cuando forcejeaban con la Unión Soviética- como después de 1989, los Estados Unidos habían mantenido la firme voluntad de influir en el mundo, en todos los campos. Las críticas por el poder ejercido, en especial a partir de los años sesenta, fueron continuadas. Los EEUU son imperialistas, se repetía acusadoramente. Lo son en el terreno político, el militar, el económico y comercial, el científico, el cultural, el mediático, etcétera, se añadía con vehemencia. Parte de estas críticas formaban parte del combate ideológico, otros respondían perfectamente a la verdad. Por definición, un imperio, especialmente cuando se enfrenta a otro, se comporta como un imperio. Está en su naturaleza y se puede hacer poco para evitarlo.

El plan de aislamiento

En los últimos años, sin embargo, las cosas han cambiado mucho. En Europa y en EE. UU. En Europa, con la crisis del proyecto europeo, la expansión de partidos de extrema derecha y la crisis del 'brexit'. En Estados Unidos, con la elección de Donald Trump.

Quien es considerado el hombre más poderoso del mundo ha resultado ser un revolucionario y ha elegido, como hacen los revolucionarios, subvertir la historia, despojando de sentido la política que EEUU había estado desarrollando tradicionalmente. Trump es, y perdonen, un antimperialista. No quiere, a diferencia de los 'neocon', por ejemplo, exportar o imponer su modelo de sociedad al resto del mundo.

Donald Trump está rompiendo con la apertura al exterior característica de las democracias liberales. EEUU se está replegando entre sus fronteras. La dureza aplicada contra los inmigrantes, la quiebra del Acuerdo de París contra el cambio climático, el cuestionamiento permanente de la OTAN, la retirada de tropas de Siria y el boicot al comercio internacional son solo algunos ejemplos.

Tanto antes como después del 1989, los EE.UU. habían mantenido la firme voluntad de influir en el mundo, en todos los campos

En cuanto al modelo de sociedad, no es solo que Trump renuncie a exportar o, al menos, favorecer la implantación de regímenes políticos basados ​​en los valores democráticos y los derechos humanos, es que sus principales amigos son algunos de los peores autócratas del mundo. Al mismo tiempo, no deja de censurar a sus tradicionales aliados europeos y alienta el disparate del 'brexit' sin miramientos.

El eslogan más exitoso de la campaña del 'brexit', creado por ese tipo listísimo y peligroso que es Dominic Cummings, dice así: "Take back control". Es un eslogan que podría hacer suyo el trumpismo y que resulta perfectamente compatible con su "Make America great again".

'Recupera el control' es una llamada a todos aquellos a quienes la globalización y los cambios que la acompañan ha desconcertado y hecho venir miedo. A todos aquellos que añoran el mundo de antes, con su orden y sus aparentes certezas. 'Recupera el control' significa también, claro, dar la espalda a lo que no conoces y no entiendes, retroceder. Desentiéndete de lo que pasa allí afuera y a esos otros. Métete en casa, allí estarás a salvo. Cobíjate en lo que sabes y sé lo que realmente eres.

Los EEUU, construidos por quienes huían de Europa buscando la libertad, dan media vuelta. Se entregan, en el siglo XXI, en la antigua tentación aislacionista. Mientras tanto, los espacios abandonados los van ocupando otros actores internacionales poderosos. Singularmente China, una dictadura digital, un coloso siniestro decidido a conquistar el futuro.
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