US Assassinates Iranian General, Violates International Law

Published in Huanqiu
(China) on 6 January 2020
by Li Haidong (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Liza Roberts. Edited by Helaine Schweitzer.
The assassination of Qassem Soleimani in Iraq has stirred widespread doubt about the legitimacy of the operation. It should be noted that this action seriously violated international law, and will lead to more unrest and conflict in the Middle East.

First of all, the U.S. military assassination of Soleimani deviates from the basic principles of international law as well as American domestic law, as significant military operations must be authorized under both. International law requires that before the U.S. can take military action against another country, it must satisfy one of the following three conditions: An authorization for the use of military force must be granted by the United Nations Security Council; there is consent by the country being targeted for attack; or there must be an imminent threat that requires immediate action.

Before carrying out this recent military operation, the U.S. not only failed to seek the opinion of the U.N. Security Council, but also failed to inform or secure the consent of the Iraqi government. Additionally, Soleimani and others did not constitute an immediate or lethal threat to U.S. national security. Therefore, the actions of the United States clearly run counter to international law.

This action similarly departs from American law regarding foreign military operations. The Constitution provides that the power to declare war belongs to Congress and not to the president. Before the president can initiate foreign military operations, he must inform and seek official approval from Congress. Current domestic criticism of the U.S. government has focused on the president’s lack of respect for Congress and the authority of the Constitution. One direct consequence of disregarding domestic law is that the president asserts unlimited power to initiate war, likely exposing him to the trap of constant conflict.

Second, in the face of condemnation from all sides about how the assassination deviated from the law, the administration could only assert self-defense as the key legal justification for the assassination. However, to claim self-defense, there must be an imminent threat of extreme severity; acts of self-defense must only match the severity of this threat. The U.S. has blamed Soleimani for the deaths of hundreds of U.S. troops over the years, and this type of vendetta against the past clearly indicates that current actions stem from a place of revenge, not self-defense.

Of course, the U.S. State Department and Defense Department have repeatedly emphasized that the assassination was carried out in order to stave off an imminent threat from Iran. In reality, however, Soleimani has openly traveled about the Middle East for many years, always under secret surveillance by relevant U.S. agencies. During this time, he never posed an imminent threat to the United States. This situation is far from meeting the international standard of self-defense, thus the U.S. cannot justify its claims that the assassination was an act of self-defense.

The Iraqi government should also protest this action. According to the U.S.-Iraq Strategic Framework Agreement signed in 2008, the U.S. and Iraq promised to cooperate closely on all matters of defense in order to eliminate any threats to Iraq’s sovereignty, security or territory. At the same time, however, this agreement prohibits the U.S. from attacking other countries from Iraq. Soleimani had special status and heightened influence over Iran and the Middle East in general. The United States’ so-called self-defense clearly violates its commitment to Iraq.

Finally, there is currently consensus among the international community about the importance of combating terrorism. However, the U.S. has classified the Iranian Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps as a terrorist organization, thereby locking these two countries into a pattern of hostility. Customarily, the U.S. values domestic law over international law, and this has led Washington to the conclusion that any extreme action against Iran is legitimate. The assassination casts aside, and seriously deviates from, historic practice under the United Nations Charter, on which the U.S. bases its claim that its actions were legitimate.

It cannot go unmentioned that this action saddens civilized countries. This so-called preemptive strike and defensive attack are clearly in violation of international regulations and laws that have been America’s tried and true diplomatic tradition since its independence. The U.S. may direct other countries to follow international laws and regulations, but the U.S. itself has chosen to cast those laws aside, which is not good for the current international community.




美军在伊拉克击杀伊朗将领苏莱曼尼,其正当性引发普遍质疑。应该说,美国的此次行动严重违背国际法,将会导致中东地区更多的动荡与冲突。

首先,美方军事暗杀苏莱曼尼行动与国际法,乃至美国国内法的基本原则相背离。重大军事行动需拥有国际与国内两个层面合法性权威的授权。根据国际法通识,美国对他国采取军事行动之前需满足以下三个条件之一:联合国安理会授权使用武力的同意;受攻击目标所在国家的同意;威胁迫在眉睫必须迅速采取行动。

启动此次军事行动之前,美方既没征询联合国安理会意见,也没有知会和获得伊拉克政府的同意,而苏莱曼尼等更构不成对美国安全的急迫致命威胁,美国的行动明显与国际法背道而驰。

它同样背离美国国内关于对外采取军事行动的相关法律规定。按照美国宪法及相关法律,宣战权属于国会而非总统,总统对外军事行动之前必须告知国会并寻求国会批准。美国国内当下对美政府行动的口诛笔伐恰恰集中于总统不尊重国会和美国宪法权威。漠视国内法的直接后果,将会是美国总统获得发动战争的无限制的权力,很可能陷入频繁发动对外战争的泥潭。

其次,在各方谴责暗杀行动背离法律的大氛围下,美政府只能以“自卫”作为暗杀行动合法的关键理由。但“自卫”需满足威胁迫在眉睫和极其严重、自卫行动与威胁规模匹配等核心标准。美方指责苏莱曼尼需对多年来数百美军的丧生负责,这种对过去行动的“寻仇”显然是“报复”而非“自卫”。当然,美国防与外交部门反复强调,暗杀行动是阻止来自伊朗迫在眉睫的威胁。事实上,苏莱曼尼多年来以公开而非秘密身份游走于中东地区,且始终受到美国相关机构的紧密追踪监视,对美国构不成迫在眉睫程度的严重威胁,距离国际法通常认定的“自卫”标准相去甚远,美国以“自卫”的理由为军事暗杀行动辩护是站不住脚的。

伊拉克政府对此也应是深恶痛绝的。根据2008年美国与伊拉克签署的战略框架协定文件,美伊双方承诺在防务中紧密合作,以消解对伊拉克主权、安全和领土完整的任何威胁,但同时更是明确禁止美国在伊拉克对其他国家发起攻击。苏莱曼尼在伊朗乃至中东地区有着特殊的地位与影响,美国对其进行所谓的“自卫”式杀害显然有违美国对伊拉克做出的承诺。

第三,打击恐怖主义是当前国际社会的共识,但是美国将伊朗伊斯兰革命卫队划为恐怖主义组织,锁定了美伊敌对的格局。国内法高于国际法是美国处理对外政策的惯有风格,这导致华盛顿基本可以认定对伊朗采取的任何极端行动都是合法的结局。“暗杀”这种文明社会普遍唾弃且严重背离联合国宪章的旧实践被当下的美方再利用,不能不说是文明国家的悲哀。美方此次行动采取的所谓“先发制人”和“防卫性进攻”做法,明显违背当下国际规范和国际法,而这恰恰是美国自独立以来屡试不爽的传统外交实践。美国可以指导他国遵守国际法或规范,但其自身却将国际法搁置一边,这对当前国际社会而言不是好事。
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