A Chinese-American Political War Begins: The Spreading View of the CCP as Evil

Published in Nihon Keizai Shimbun (Nikkei)
(Japan) on 23 July 2020
by Hiroyuki Akita (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Eric Stimson. Edited by Elizabeth Cosgriff.
Chinese-American relations just won’t stop deteriorating. The friction isn’t limited to commerce and high tech, but also encompasses military tension.

U.S. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo completely rejected China’s claim to nearly all the resources of the South China Sea on July 13, the first time America has done so.

In addition, America has twice sent two aircraft carriers to the South China Sea this month and undertaken large-scale exercises. The Chinese military is also expanding its activity, and the stench of war is building over the sea.

But a substantial change is occurring in Chinese-American relations that is more worthy of attention than this confrontation. This is the increasing spread in America’s administration and Congress of the doctrine that the Chinese Communist Party is evil.

This view of the conflict can be summarized as identifying the CCP’s dictatorial system as the main culprit behind China’s repeated violations of human rights and international rules.

It may not sound like anything out of the ordinary, but it is an extremely harsh, Sinophobic view. This is because it may lead to the conclusion that dialogue and pressure won’t be enough to change Chinese behavior and that the CCP system itself must change.

This sort of Sinophobia appeared on May 12 in this column, but it pointed out that it was not a mainstream point of view in America’s administration or Congress. Yet according to American diplomatic experts, a view of the CCP as evil has infiltrated even these central pillars.

One manifestation of this in the past month is the contents of several Sinophobic speeches by American officials. They are surprisingly blunt in their open hostility toward the CCP and its leadership.

The first salvo came from Robert O’Brien, the national security advisor, on June 24. “The party General Secretary Xi Jinping sees himself as Josef Stalin’s successor,” he said. He compared Xi to the former Soviet dictator who purged millions of his political opponents.

FBI Director Christopher Wray and Attorney General William Barr gave speeches in July that viciously criticized the CCP. What follows is the gist of what they said.

The aim of the CCP is to destroy the foundations of democratic countries. To further this aim, it spies, intimidates and propagandizes as much as it wants, posing a grave threat to the American people.

This goes beyond officials. In recent telephone briefings from American governmental authorities, in which journalists also participated, statements slamming the CCP can be heard.

The focus of the two countries’ rancor until now has been commerce, high tech and maritime sovereignty. If these were all, then some kind of compromise would not be impossible.

But if the idea that the CCP is evil is pushed to the fore of America’s China policy, a deal will be difficult. In terms of people-to-people relations, this will be a fight between a side that seeks money and interests and a side that rejects the opponent’s character and personality.

According to the American press, the U.S. government is even considering banning the entry of all 90 million members of the CCP and their families.

The deepening of America’s distrust in China is caused by China’s forceful actions in cyberspace and the seas, but the coronavirus crisis was decisive. The number of American dead due to the coronavirus has topped 140,000.*

Because the CCP does not recognize freedom of the press or speech, the new coronavirus’s outbreak was concealed, and the infection spread around the world.

This sort of feeling is adrift in American society, with growing distrust of the CCP. To cover his own mistakes, President Donald Trump is pouring fuel on Sinophobic sentiment by preaching a “blame China” narrative.

So is there space for America and China to halt and move toward reconciliation? On June 17, Pompeo and China’s top diplomat, Politburo member Yang Jiechi, met in Hawaii for discussions. Consulting inside sources on this only produces pessimism.

The Americans say that China requested the meeting. If Trump’s cherished first Chinese-American trade deal could be taken “hostage,” then the American posture on Hong Kong, the South China Sea, human rights and Taiwan could be softened. This was said to be Yang’s expectation at first.

Yet Pompeo’s firm attitude did not waver, and the discussions broke down. The American government followed up by rapidly imposing sanctions over the suppression of Tibetans and Uighurs and the violation of Hong Kong’s autonomy.

These sanctions cut into the CCP’s authority and differ in dimension from the sanctions imposed so far against Chinese high-tech companies like Huawei. It’s fair to say that it’s the beginning of a battle over political systems.

I can’t think that this trend would change if the Democrat Joe Biden wins the presidential election. “Being tough on China is a strategy that totally transcends party, and the Democrats also strongly support it,” says a representative of the U.S. government.** Biden’s diplomacy and security experts have recently appeared at virtual American think tank events and advocated increasing pressure on China in cooperation with allies.

There was a previous instance where America saw the Communist system as its enemy and clashed with China. This was the 1989 Tiananmen incident, when China violently suppressed demonstrations.

Despite this, China’s and America’s economies magnetically drew close thanks to China’s rapid growth; in under 10 years, they were in a honeymoon relationship and could be called strategic partners.

I don’t think there is another trigger for the same kind of restoration. Unlike 30 years ago, China has grown into a great power that threatens America’s hegemony economically and militarily. The two colossi have entered a tunnel of long-term confrontation.

*Editor's note: While accurate at the time of writing, this figure has since increased.
**Editor’s note: This quote, accurately translated from the original, could not be verified.


米中関係の悪化が止まらない。あつれきは通商やハイテクにとどまらず、軍事の緊張を帯びるまでになっている。

ポンペオ米国務長官は7月13日、南シナ海のほぼ全域の権益を主張する中国の立場について、米国として初めて全面否定する声明を発表した。

さらに米国は今月、2度にわたって2隻の空母を南シナ海に送り、大がかりな演習にも踏み切った。中国軍も活動を広げており、海域はきな臭さを増している。

ただ、こうした目に見える対立より、もっと注意すべき本質的な変化が米中関係には起きている。米政府や議会で、中国の共産党性悪論ともいうべき対中観が急速に広がり始めていることだ。

この対中観をひと言でいえば、中国が人権や国際ルールに反するような言動を続けるのは、共産党の独裁体制に元凶があるというものだ。

何の変哲もないように響くが、極めて厳しい対中観である。中国に言動を改めさせるには対話や圧力では足りず、共産党体制そのものを変える必要があるという結論に行き着きかねないからだ。

5月12日付の本欄でそうした対中観が出ているが、まだ米政権・議会の主流にはなっていないと指摘した。ところが米外交専門家らの分析によると、最近、米政権・議会の中枢にも共産党性悪論が浸透しつつある。

その表れのひとつがこの1カ月、米閣僚らが相次いで行っている対中演説の中身だ。驚くほどあからさまに、共産党とその幹部への敵意をあらわにしている。

第1弾が、6月24日のオブライエン大統領補佐官(国家安全保障担当)だ。「習近平(シー・ジンピン)党総書記は自分がスターリンの後継者だと思っている」と演説。数百万人の政敵を粛清したとされる旧ソ連の独裁者、スターリンと習氏を同列に並べた。

7月にはレイ米連邦捜査局(FBI)長官、バー司法長官らも演説し、共産党を手荒く批判した。趣旨は次のようなものだ。

中国共産党の目標は民主主義国の基盤を壊すことにある。そのために米国内でのスパイや脅迫、政治宣伝をやりたい放題であり、米国民に重大な脅威だ――。

閣僚だけではない。最近、筆者が参加した米政府当局者らによる電話ブリーフなどでも、共産党を悪しざまに批判する発言が聞かれるようになった。

両国のせめぎ合いはこれまで通商やハイテク、海洋の主導権争いが中心だった。これだけなら、何らかの妥協も無理ではない。

だが、共産党性悪論が米国の対中政策の前提になれば、もはや手打ちは難しい。人間関係でいえば、前者はカネや権益の争い、後者は相手の性質や人格を否定する戦いだからである。

米報道によると、米政府はいま、9千万人超のすべての中国共産党員とその家族による入国を禁じることも検討しているという。

米国の対中不信が深まったのはサイバーや海洋をめぐる中国の強硬な行動に原因があるが、決定的だったのはコロナ危機だ。米国では新型コロナウイルスによる死者が14万人を超えた。

中国共産党が報道や言論の自由を認めないから、新型ウイルスの発生を現場などが隠ぺいし、感染が世界に拡散した……。

米社会にはこんな感情が漂い、共産党への不信が沈殿している。自分の失策を覆うため、トランプ大統領が中国責任論を唱えていることも、反中感情に油を注ぐ。

では、米中が立ち止まり、融和に動く余地はないのか。6月17日、ポンペオ国務長官と中国外交担当トップの楊潔篪(ヤン・ジエチー)共産党政治局員がハワイで会談した。この内幕を探ると、悲観的にならざるを得ない。

米側によると開催を求めたのは中国だった。トランプ大統領が重視する第1弾の米中貿易合意を「人質」にとれば香港や南シナ海、人権、台湾問題で米国の姿勢を軟化させられる。楊氏は当初、そう踏んでいた様子だったという。

これに対し、ポンペオ長官は一切、強硬な態度を崩さず、会談は決裂した。米政府はこれを受け、チベット族、ウイグル族への弾圧や香港の自治侵害に対し、矢継ぎ早に制裁を発動した。

これらの制裁は共産党の統治に切り込む措置であり、華為技術(ファーウェイ)など中国ハイテク企業を狙ったそれまでの制裁とは、次元が異なる。政治体制をめぐる戦いの始まりと言っていい。

米大統領選で民主党のバイデン氏が勝っても、この流れは変わるとは思えない。「対中強硬は完全に超党派の路線であり、民主党も強く支持している」(米政府当局者)。バイデン氏の外交・安保ブレーンらも最近、米シンクタンクのウェブ会議に相次いで登場し、同盟国と協力して対中圧力を強める構想を示した。

米国が共産党体制を敵視し、中国とぶつかったことは前もあった。中国が抗議デモを武力で鎮圧した1989年の天安門事件だ。

それでも中国が急成長を遂げるにつれ、米中は経済を磁力に近づき、10年足らずのうちに互いを戦略的パートナーと呼ぶほどまでの蜜月関係になった。

同じような修復のバネは、もう働かないだろう。約30年前とは異なり、中国は経済、軍事ともに米国の覇権を脅かす大国になったからだ。両巨象は長い対立のトンネルに足を踏み入れた。
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