US, Decline of Hegemonic Power and Escalation of Conflict with China

Published in Tiempo Argentino
(Argentina) on 26 July 2020
by Ruben Guzetti (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Julia Vales. Edited by Elizabeth Cosgriff.
Two days after the 9/11 attacks, President George W. Bush declared war on terrorism. He said, "Every nation, in every region, now has a decision to make: Either you are with us or you are with the terrorists."

Donald Trump picked up on that idea more belligerently in January 2017. The day he took office, he announced that he would withdraw from the free trade agreements known as the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership, the Trans-Pacific Partnership, NAFTA, Trans Pacific, Trans Atlantic, and the one signed with Canada and Mexico, respectively. He also said he would fight to reduce the trade deficit with China and if that "doesn't provide the expected outcome, when my time in office is over, all Chinese products coming into the country will have a 45% tariff."*

In that moment, Trump outlined one of is main policy ideas, to stop the growth and presence of China to repair the weakened hegemonic leadership of his country.

In that sense, he advanced a trade war, applying tariffs and sanctioning companies and officials. Trump developed a protectionist and nationalist policy, weakening his government and withdrawing from several international organizations such as UNESCO, the Paris climate agreement, missile agreements, the World Health Organization and the International Criminal Court. The path was clear, and the main obstacle was China.

China not only doesn't "obey the rules," but collaborates with governments that are blocked and sanctioned by Washington, such as Iran, Cuba and Venezuela. Those policies drove him to threaten adversaries, subdue "friends," and pressure allies, as is the case with Angela Merkel, Recep Tayyip Erdogan, and the Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman.

This week, Mike Pompeo called out to the Western world from Copenhagen and invited them to join the fight against the Chinese danger. Speaking at the Richard Nixon Presidential Library and Museum in California, he harangued the Chinese people and demanded changes in the Communist Party, calling what the Chinese government is doing “tyranny.”

In a sense, the administration is showing its rage and impotence by deploying aircraft carriers to the South China Sea, threatening to invade Venezuela and destroy Iran. When an empire has to resort to military force as an option it is because it has lost all its power to dominate the cultural, economic, financial and technological spheres, among others.

In this context, on Tuesday, the Trump administration ordered China to close its consulate in Houston, one of the five that exist in the U.S. The U.S. claimed there China was responsible for espionage, and theft of scientific research and private information. Evidence? None so far.

In response, China's Foreign Ministry revoked the license of the U.S. Consulate in Chengdu on Friday to forbid the consulate from operating, it also being one of the five consulates that exist in China. Th Chengdu consulate, home to 200 officials, is one of the most important consulates as it deals with matters from the provinces of Sichuan, Yunnan, Guizhou, the Tibet Autonomous Region and Chongqing, of great interest to America and its geopolitical strategy.

Here is some key information:

• COVID-19 revealed the health, economic and social failures of a system based upon market absolutism;

• An empire that ignores the rules of its own game, rules it imposed after World War II, does so because it is helpless;

• China leads the way in the evolution of new technology and especially in productive innovation, which makes it the main player in redrafting new rules going forward;

• Trump is at serious risk of losing the election on Nov. 3. There are several developing domestic crises including serious conflict in the power superstructure, economic and employment crises, police violence and a new outbreak of racism and separatism, protests against police authorities and, in the background, an indiscriminate catastrophe facing the system of health care;

• Trump appeals to his base by spreading fear in a highly manipulable and consumerist society, as he looks for an international scapegoat to justify his reelection, a virus of terrorism that has mutated into communism without the intervention of bats or pangolins;

• The president’s arrogance in saying this week that he doubts whether he will acknowledge the results of the upcoming election also prevents him from admitting that he lives in a multipolar and democratic world.

Ultimately, the behavior of the Trump administration is the natural response of a declining hegemonic power which reacts angrily to competition, a word much praised by those who admire the system that is now exploding.

*Editor’s note: This quote, accurately translated from the original, could not be verified.


EE UU, la decadencia del poder hegemónico y la escalada de su conflicto con China
Días después de los atentados del 11 de septiembre de 2001, el presidente George W. Bush le declaraba la guerra al terrorismo. “Los países que no estén con nosotros en esta cruzada estarán contra nosotros”, dijo.
Esa política fue retomada con mayor agresividad por Donald Trump a partir de enero de 2017. El día que asumió anunció que iría a desactivar los acuerdos de libre comercio TTIP, el TPP y el NAFTA, Trans Pacífico, Trans Atlántico y el firmado con Canadá y México respectivamente, además que bregaría por reducir el déficit comercial con la República Popular China, y si esto “no diera los resultados esperados, cuando finalice mi gestión todos los productos chinos que ingresen al país tendrán un arancel del 45 por ciento”.
En ese momento Trump delineaba uno de los ejes fundamentales de su política: frenar el crecimiento y protagonismo chino para recuperar el debilitado liderazgo hegemónico de su país.
En esa línea avanzó en la llamada guerra comercial, aplicando aranceles, sancionando empresas y a funcionarios. Trump desplegó una política proteccionista y nacionalista debilitando y retirándose de varios organismos internacionales como la UNESCO, el Acuerdo de París, los Acuerdos misilísticos, OMS, Corte Penal Internacional. La ruta estaba trazada y en ella el principal obstáculo era China.
El país asiático no sólo no “obedece las imposiciones” sino que colabora con gobiernos a los que Washington decidió bloquear y sancionar, como Irán, Cuba y la República Bolivariana de Venezuela. Esa política llevó a amenazar a adversarios, someter a “amigos” y presionar a aliados, como es el caso de Angela Merkel, Recep Tayyip Erdogan, el príncipe Bin Al Salman.
Esta semana Mike Pompeo desde Copenhague llamó al mundo occidental a unirse contra el peligro chino y hablando en la biblioteca Richard Nixon arengó al pueblo chino para que exija modificaciones al Partido Comunista tildando a ese gobierno de tiranía.
Así las cosas, con portaviones en el Mar Meridional de China, amenazas de invasión a Venezuela y destrucción de Irán, el gobierno estadounidense despliega su impotencia. Cuando un Imperio tiene que recurrir a la fuerza militar como último recurso es porque a perdido su poder de dominación en áreas como la cultural, económica, financiera, tecnológica, etcétera.
En ese marco, el martes el gobierno de Trump ordenó el cierre del Consulado chino en Houston, Texas, uno de los cinco en ese país. La acusación: espionaje, robo de propiedad intelectual y de información privada. Pruebas… por ahora ninguna.
Como respuesta, este viernes el Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores de China revocó la autorización para continuar funcionando al consulado de EE UU en Chengdu, también uno de los cinco que el país asiático. Esa sede, que cuenta con 200 funcionarios, es una de las más importantes ya que atiende las provincias de Sichuan, Yunnan, Guizhou, la región autónoma del Tibet y Chongqing, de gran interés para los objetivos geopolíticos de Estados Unidos.
Algunas claves
1) El Covid-19 puso en evidencia el fracaso sanitario, económico y social de un sistema basado en el absolutismo del mercado.
2) La impotencia de un Imperio que tiene que desconocer las propias reglas de juego, impuestas por su voluntad tras la segunda guerra mundial.
3) China lleva la delantera en la evolución de las nuevas tecnologías y sobre todo en la innovación productiva, lo que le permite ser protagonista en la reformulación de las nuevas reglas de juego en el futuro.
4) El presidente Trump corre serio riesgo de perder la reelección del 4 de noviembre. Varias crisis simultaneas se manifiestan en el escenario local: fuerte disputa en la superestructura del poder, crisis económica y ocupacional, violencia policial y rebrote racista – divisionista, numerosas movilizaciones contra las autoridades y como telón de fondo una catástrofe ecuménica del sistema sanitario.
5) Trump apela a inocular miedo en una sociedad altamente manipulable y consumista, buscando un enemigo externo que justifique su continuidad. “El virus del terrorismo muto en comunismo” sin que medien murciélagos ni pangolines.
6) La arrogancia del presidente, que esta semana llego a decir en rueda de prensa que duda si va a reconocer los resultados de la próxima elección, no le permite admitir un mundo multipolar y democrático.
En definitiva, la reacción del gobierno de Donald Trump es la “natural” respuesta de un poder hegemónico en decadencia que se enoja cuando tiene competencia, una palabra tan elogiada por los admiradores del sistema que hoy estalla.
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