The Need To Know Biden

Published in UDN
(Taiwan) on 4 August 2020
by (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Jennifer Sampson. Edited by Elizabeth Cosgriff.
As the U.S. experiences huge numbers of COVID-19 cases and racial conflict continues to spread, the country’s resulting economic performance has been disastrous — almost all performance indicators have been negative. According to past examples, this kind of situation, 100 days before the election, is extremely unfavorable for the incumbent president, Donald Trump. Therefore, understanding how Democratic nominee Joe Biden would handle the turbulent U.S. economic and trade policies is no longer an early speculative measure but a necessity.

Although the election race between Trump and Biden originally was in a deadlock, Biden’s support has recently increased, while Trump’s continues to slide. Even a poll by Fox News, Trump’s faithful supporter, indicated that Biden’s lead has widened to 9 points. In key swing states such as Florida and Michigan, Biden’s lead has already surpassed the survey’s margin of error. With three months remaining until the election on Nov. 3, Trump’s team must put all its effort into turning the tide. Although responsibility for the pandemic response and policing issues primarily lies with the Trump administration, not everything can be blamed on Trump. Nevertheless, the economic collapse will make a comeback incredibly difficult. And so Biden, ridiculed by Trump as “Sleepy Joe,” might very well easily win the election.

In contrast to Trump’s complete departure from tradition, people like Biden, who have years of legislative and administrative experience, can easily be categorized as belonging to “the establishment.” However, in economics, trade and foreign policy, Biden has been a bit similar to Trump in that he has no clear ideology or dominant values, but rather is a pragmatist who promotes America’s interests. By 2021, the U.S. and the world will have undergone a massive change. Once Biden takes over, how he makes changes according to his pragmatic worldview will directly affect Taiwan and the world.

The most concerning problem for everyone is the relationship between the U.S. and China. Biden’s China policy approach can be classified as engagement. When he served as vice president, he met multiple times with China’s then-Vice President Xi Jinping. He has even criticized the U.S.-China trade war as a mistake that is hurting America’s middle class. At the same time, Biden has denounced China’s restrictions on human rights in Xinjiang and Hong Kong and has accused China of stealing American technology and intellectual property. Working with a team of countries, he wants to alter the direction of global industry and economic development, and has even suggested that he will impose policies against China that are even more hawkish than Trump’s.

Broadly speaking, even if Biden is elected, I’m afraid he won’t return U.S.-China relations to what they were before. No matter how much he dislikes the trade war, the U.S. and China have already reached phase one of an agreement — and it has yet to be fully implemented. Moreover, the global supply chain has already begun to shift, spurred on by the coronavirus. Admittedly, while a partial adjustment of tariffs by Biden can’t be ruled out, the odds of him reducing them to nothing are low. As for the technology competition between the two countries, the Obama/Biden administration already began escalating it during Barack Obama’s second term. A technological adviser to the White House, warning that an eye needed to be kept on the subsidies and overseas mergers and acquisitions happening as part of the “Made in China 2025” plan, called upon the U.S. to increase investment in technology and human talent. Trump has already begun moving in this direction, and Congress has a bipartisan consensus on the matter. There is no sign that Biden will reverse this course after he takes office.

Perhaps one obvious change if Biden is elected will be that the U.S. will gradually return to a regional, or even multilateral ideology, as opposed to its current unilateral self-interest. Biden has repeatedly emphasized that the U.S. must play the role of a good world leader and join allies with similar values in opposing the threat posed by totalitarian nations. Upon taking office, Trump immediately withdrew from the Trans-Pacific Partnership, which was proposed during the Obama administration. Biden has suggested that rejoining the TPP is not the priority; rather, he wants to link TPP member countries to America’s other free trade agreements, creating a new U.S.-led system of trade rules that China can be forced to comply with. Still, the U.S. may return to cooperating with China on issues such as climate change and nuclear weapons.

Trump’s four years in office have caused deep divides in the U.S. Important issues such as education, health insurance and infrastructure have been beset by a host of problems. In addition, the pandemic has badly damaged the U.S. economy. Therefore, Biden will probably prioritize healing the country and rebuilding the economy. The international trade order may not be changed quickly.

While Trump has been in office, Taiwan-U.S. relations have never been stronger. Unfortunately, the government has been unable to create a free trade agreement between the U.S. and Taiwan or join in any regional agreements. If Biden, supported by the Democratic Party, the establishment and pragmatism, regains control, the overall confrontation between the U.S. and China will not change, but the situation may become less tense. What will this mean for the supply chain, which is undergoing structural change? What will it mean for Taiwan? If Taiwan-U.S. relations cool while the U.S.-China technology competition continues to heat up, how is Taiwan supposed to handle itself? How can it facilitate an entry point to join a Taiwan-U.S. free trade agreement — and even the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership? The Taiwan government and businesses must start looking at all of these questions.


提早認識拜登 已是必修課

美國不僅疫情破表,種族衝突也持續蔓延,導致經濟表現一片慘綠,幾乎所有指標都是負數;按歷史經驗,大選前100天面對這種情勢,對現任總統川普極為不利。掌握民主黨候選人拜登執政的美國經貿政策變局,已非超前部署而是必修課了。

川普與拜登選情原本膠著,但最近拜登的支持度穩定增溫,川普則持續下滑。即便是一路力挺川普的福斯電視所做的調查,都顯示拜登領先的差距已經擴大到9個百分點,而佛羅里達、密西根等幾個關鍵的搖擺州,拜登的領先幅度也都已經超過調查偏差值。到11月3日選舉還有三個月,川普團隊必將全力出招力挽狂瀾。雖然疫情與警政其實多屬州政府職權,不能都怪川普,但經濟崩盤的問題,還是會使川普逆轉起來備感吃力。於是被川普戲謔為「瞌睡老喬」(Sleepy Joe)的拜登很可能躺著勝選。

在川普完全跳脫傳統的作風下,如拜登這種有數十年立法及行政經驗的人都很容易被歸類為「建制派」。但在經貿及外交政策領域,拜登過去的特色似乎跟川普有些類似,就是並無明顯的意識形態或價值主導,而屬於提升美國利益的「務實主義」者。2021年的美國及世界都已經出現巨變,拜登接手後會如何按其務實主義世界觀進行調整,對台灣及世界都有直接影響。

各界最關心的問題,自然是美中關係。拜登對中政策被歸類為「接觸派」(Engagement),他在副總統任內曾跟當時的中國國家副主席習近平有多次接觸對話,更批評川普貿易戰是讓美國中產階級受害的錯誤決定。但同時間,拜登除了譴責中國在新疆及香港的限制人權作為外,也高調控訴中國竊取美國技術與智財權,並企圖以國家隊改變全球產業及經濟發展方向,甚至揚言會提出比川普更「鷹派」的對中政策。

綜合觀察,即便拜登當選,恐怕也不會按下重置鈕讓美中關係回到過去。無論拜登多麼厭惡貿易戰,美中畢竟已有第一階段協議尚待完全落實,且全球供應鏈已經開始搬遷(新冠肺炎後更為加速),因而固然不能排除拜登局部調整關稅戰,但歸零重來的機率也不高。至於美中科技對抗,則是早在歐巴馬/拜登政府第二任期內就已經開始在醞釀。當時的白宮科技顧問就已經提醒要注意「中國製造2025」大量補貼及海外併購問題,呼籲美國要提升對科技及人才的投資。這些方向川普都已經起了頭,國會也有跨黨派共識,更看不出拜登執政後有逆轉取消的跡象。

比較明顯的改變,可能是美國會從「只顧自己」的單邊主義,逐漸回歸區域甚至多邊架構。拜登多次強調美國要扮演好世界領導者的角色,聯手相同價值的盟友對抗極權國家的威脅。在歐巴馬時代力推,川普上任立馬退出的「跨太平洋夥伴協定」(TPP),拜登則表示重返不是重點,而是要把TPP成員跟美國其他FTA連結一起,成為一個美國主導並可迫使中國接受的新貿易規則體系。但在氣候變遷、核武等議題上也可能與中國重返合作之路。

然而川普四年也導致美國內部分裂,教育、健保與基建等重要議題問題重重,加上疫情重創美國經濟,因此拜登很可能會以整頓國內、重建經濟為第一優先要務。國際經貿秩序未必能很快看到改變。

川普任內,台美關係來到歷史新高,可惜政府無法掌握契機成功啟動台美FTA或參與任何區域整合機制。若拜登果真以民主黨、建制派及務實主義之姿重新執政,美中對抗大局不變但張力可能降低,對變遷中的供應鏈結構、對台灣有何意涵?台美關係降溫但美中科技對抗持續延燒,台灣如何自處?促成台美FTA甚至加入CPTPP如何調整切入點?都是政府及企業需要開始超前部署的課題。

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