The US Is Launching a New Cold War, Clearly Losing the 1st Battle

Published in Huanqiu
(China) on 31 July 2020
by (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Liza Roberts. Edited by Gillian Palmer.
When United States Secretary of State Mike Pompeo attended a congressional hearing on Thursday, July 30, he declared that diplomatic efforts to oppose the Chinese Communist Party are working and that the “tide is turning.” In addition to promoting a ban on Huawei equipment, he took the statements of European Union countries on the issue of Hong Kong as achievements to promote. However, the public has noticed his simultaneous claims that due to China’s economic strength, it is difficult to form an international alliance against Beijing. Pompeo also said that he was surprised and disappointed that so many countries supported the Hong Kong National Security Law passed by Beijing.

Pompeo’s speech helped refine people’s sinking feelings about the U.S. launching a “new cold war” against China. Not only Pompeo and the State Department, but the entire U.S. government has worked hard to mobilize the Western world to join a coalition to contain China. The U.S. has not seriously promoted such a grand strategy since the end of the Cold War. But its gains in the international arena are too meager. Australia, which has followed the U.S. most closely, is still concerned about maintaining economic relations with China. The United Kingdom, which claims to have special obligations to Hong Kong, is also a little behind the U.S. and unwilling to rush to the forefront.

In the United States, people’s dislike of China has indeed increased, and Pew’s latest poll proves it. But in another congressional hearing, when the CEOs of the four major U.S. technology giants Google, Apple, Facebook and Amazon were asked if they believed the Chinese government was stealing technology from American companies, three of the CEOs all stated their companies had never experienced such a thing. Only Facebook CEO Mark Zuckerberg said it is “well documented” that this is the case. Zuckerberg’s selfishness has long been known to everyone; he is trying his best to push U.S. authorities to suppress TikTok.

Today’s China is not the Soviet Union of 1946-1950. At that time, the U.S. tried to paint the Soviet Union as an urgent threat to Europe; the Soviet Union was sharply opposed but did not use its strength to fight against the U.S. diplomatically, instead confronting it with brute force. This action led to the accelerated triggering of the Cold War. European countries at the time were indeed a little afraid of the Soviet Union and hoped the U.S. would provide protection. Group confrontation between the U.S. and the Soviet Union was inevitable.

China’s knowledge of the U.S. is richer and more pragmatic than that of the Soviet Union. The interweaving of China’s interests with those of the United States and other Western countries was also unthinkable between the East and West in those years. For those countries that the U.S. wants to rope in, not only does China not coerce them, but in fact roots its relationship with them in mutually beneficial cooperation. This cooperation is more beneficial to those countries’ own interests than blindly following the United States. The U.S. tries to use ideology to drive an anti-China alliance, while China uses practical interests to deter this scheme. Obviously, China has a much better chance of winning.

In developing a strategic deal with the United States, China must consider matters outside of the U.S. Should the U.S. initiate a conflict with China, it will discover that its followers are few, and its allies will only sit by and watch or express vocal support but not take action. The will of the U.S. will inevitably face attacks and be worn down, and the American system will again implement adjustments in order to follow a predetermined extreme route.

The statements made by the three major U.S. technology giants to Congress show that even in the U.S., Pompeo’s most radical anti-China policies are still facing huge resistance from the actual activity of the U.S. economic community. The law of circumstances being stronger than individuals cannot easily be ignored.

It is notable that COVID-19 is seriously weakening the United States’ ability to make more aggressive moves against China. The U.S. economy has shrunk severely this year, and it is fundamentally impossible to compensate for the losses caused by the decoupling of other countries from China. The U.S. wants to use empty promises to build an anti-China alliance across the world.

Additionally, in the past three years, “America First” has broken the hearts of many countries in Europe and the rest of the world. Washington’s current convening of alliance members is a typical example of using up resources now at the cost of future needs. Few countries trust the Trump administration or believe it will remain wary of those concerns. Whether or not the Trump team wins reelection, the world will have to wait and see. Washington’s ability to mobilize other countries against China has actually already been frozen.

China’s economic success in the second half of the year is the best counterattack against U.S. suppression. Washington is currently showing off its ferocity, but in fact it is unable to even care for itself, and the world has no confidence in it. In order for China to prevent the U.S. from adopting even more extreme measures to mitigate this situation, increased vigilance is essential.


美国国务卿蓬佩奥星期四参加国会的听证会时宣称,抵制中共的外交努力正在发挥作用,“潮流正在转向”。除了推动禁用华为设备,他把欧盟国家等在香港问题上的表态都当成了“成果”来宣扬。不过舆论都注意到了,他同时表示,由于中国的经济实力,组建一个针对北京的国际联盟是困难的。他还说自己对有那么多国家支持北京通过的香港国安法感到“吃惊和失望”。

蓬佩奥的这番讲话帮着提炼了人们对美国发动对华“新冷战”出师不利的感受。不仅蓬佩奥和国务院,美国全政府为动员西方世界加入遏制中国的联盟可谓使出了吃奶的力气,华盛顿自冷战结束以来还从未如此认真推动过一个大战略。但他们在国际上的收获太微薄了,跟得最紧的澳大利亚依然惦记同中国保持经贸关系,自称对香港有“特殊义务”的英国也有点往后稍的意思,不愿意事事冲在前头。

在美国国内,民间对中国的反感的确增加了,皮尤的最新调查证明了这一点。但是在国会的另一场听证会上,美国四大科技巨头苹果、谷歌、脸书和亚马逊的CEO在被问到他们是否认为中国政府正在窃取美国公司技术时,其中三位CEO均表示自己的公司没有发生过这样的案例,只有脸书的CEO扎克伯格表示他“有充分的证据”证明是这样。而扎克伯格的私心早已路人皆知,他正在全力推动美国当局打压Tiktok。


今天的中国不是1946年到1950年的苏联,那时美国全力将苏联描述成一个欧洲的急迫威胁,苏联则针尖对麦芒,不是借力打力,而是用蛮力与美对抗。这样的互动导致了冷战的加速形成。当时的欧洲国家的确有些害怕苏联,希望美国提供保护。美苏之间的集团对抗无可避免。

中国对美国的认识要比苏联的对美认识更加丰富、务实,我们与美国和其他西方国家的利益交织也是当年东西方之间不可同日而语的。对美国要拉拢的那些国家,中国不仅不胁迫它们,而且把互利合作作为与它们关系的主基调,这有利于那些国家对本国利益的坚持,而非盲目跟着美国跑。美国试图用意识形态驱动反华联盟,中国则用切实的利益破解这一图谋,中方的胜算当然要大得多。

中国对美开展战略大周旋,一定要加入美国之外的考量维度。只要美国一次次发起对华冲突时发现实质性的跟班少了,盟友尽是些观望的,或者喊两嗓子却不实际出手的,它的意志必将受到冲击、消磨,而美国的体制又为极端路线在走不下去时进行调整预设了机会。

美国三大科技巨头对国会的表态说明,即使在美国国内,蓬佩奥所代表的最为激进的对华政策要转化为美国经济界的实际行动也面临巨大阻力。势比人强的规律不容忽视。

我们还要看到,新冠疫情正在严重削弱美国对华出更多狠招的能力,美国经济今年严重萎缩,它根本无力对其他国家与中国“脱钩”所造成的损失进行补偿,它要构建反华同盟是去世界上“空手套白狼”。

加之过去三年“美国优先”让欧洲和世界很多国家伤透了心,华盛顿现在召集同盟属于典型的“现用佛现烧香”,很少有国家相信特朗普政府,都会对后者想起一出是一出保持警惕。除非特朗普团队实现胜选连任,在这之前,世界都将观望,华盛顿动员他国参与反华的能力实际上已经进入休克状态。

中国接下来把下半年的经济搞好就是对美方打压的最好反击。华盛顿现在咋呼得凶,其实自顾不暇,世界对它也没有信心。中国倒是要防止美方采取更加极端的手段打破当前的局面,提高警惕很重要。
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