US Election Produces Tensions in Taiwan Strait

Published in UDN
(Taiwan) on 18 August 2020
by (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Jennifer Sampson. Edited by Olivia Parker.
Only a few more than 70 days remain until the American presidential election. Due to President Donald Trump’s terrible domestic policy, the inadequate pandemic response has caused the highest number of infections in the world and an economic recession, all while racial conflict has erupted across the country. All of this has challenged Trump’s road to reelection. Swing states that helped elect Trump last time might help Democratic rival Joe Biden win by a wide margin. Regaining the upper hand will not be easy. Thus, in the two months remaining before the election, Trump must pull out all the stops.

Trump might regain an advantage one of two ways: One, many states are planning to use mail-in voting during the pandemic. Possible delays might prevent the voting outcome from being determined on election night. Democrats worry that Trump might use this as an opportunity to declare voter fraud, reject the efficacy of mail-in voting and even refuse to relinquish power if he loses. Two, countries across the globe are worried about what “surprises” October might bring as Trump focuses all of his reelection efforts on international policy. They fear he might try to achieve diplomatic victories in September and October, and even create some sort of military crisis that he can use to boost his campaign.

Since the trade and technology wars started two years ago, Trump has consistently made an imaginary enemy out of mainland China. In recent months, he has closed a Chinese consulate, issued bans on Chinese companies TikTok and WeChat and used the situations in Xinjiang and Hong Kong to sanction officials in the Chinese Communist Party. Nothing in his toolbox, however, can provoke the CCP more than Trump’s U.S.-Taiwan policy. In addition to sending U.S Health and Human Services Secretary Alex Azar to Taiwan, the Trump administration announced arms sales to Taiwan. In response, the CCP immediately declared it would conduct military exercises in the northern and southern parts of the Taiwan Strait. The Third Taiwan Strait Crisis of 1995-96 might be about to repeat itself.

In addition to the Taiwan Strait, the South China Sea is also a point of conflict. The USS Ronald Reagan Carrier Strike Group entered the South China Sea on Aug. 14 and had already sailed to waters east of Dongsha Island by Aug. 15 to carry out anti-aircraft military exercises. In response, China sent Xian H-6 bombers, capable of carrying long-range supersonic missiles, to Yongxing Island in the South China Sea in preparation for conflict.

Beijing is reluctant to enter into conflict with the U.S., lest it be pulled into Trump’s reelection scheme. According to reports, the theme of the currently convening Beidaihe meeting is “maintaining China-U.S. relations.” Based on the recent willingness expressed by CCP diplomats, including Yang Jiechi and Cui Tiankai, to “talk openly” with the U.S., the CCP apparently wants to stabilize bilateral relations with the U.S. before the election. Not only would this guard against provocation by Trump before the election, but it would send a message to Biden, the potential winner of the election, that China and the U.S. can work together to repair relations.

For Biden, this is an important message. According to a report by The New York Times, hawkish strategists around Trump have stepped up their plans to strain U.S.-China relations to a point of difficult return before the election. This way, even if Biden is elected, repairing the damage quickly would be hard. In the article “Why America Must Lead Again: Rescuing U.S. Foreign Policy After Trump,” recently published in Foreign Affairs, Biden elaborated on his ideas about competition with China. While he does not agree with the U.S.-China trade war, he believes the U.S. must continue to take a leadership role in international trade — not bury its head in the sand. To respond to threats from China, the U.S. should strengthen its economic cooperation with allies instead of destroying the international system the U.S. itself has carefully constructed.

When Biden selected Senator Kamala Harris to be his running mate, the response from the rest of the world was mostly positive. Harris’ identity as an African American and Indian American woman contrasts with Trump and Mike Pence’s “old white men” identity; in light of the current Black Lives Matter movement, this can ensure some respect for minorities. Harris and Biden are both centrist Democrats, not extreme leftists. While Harris served in the Senate, she called for protecting American technology from illegal acquisition by Chinese spies. Still, she is a pragmatist: regarding adding tariffs on Chinese goods, she urged the White House to proceed cautiously so as not to harm American companies, workers and consumers.

Everyone in the U.S. agrees that the most important diplomacy issue in this election will be China policy. A recent editorial by The Wall Street Journal pointed out that Taiwan lies at the heart of the U.S.-China power struggle. Whether it’s about the importance of the Taiwan Semiconductor Manufacturing Company to U.S. and Taiwanese technology, or Taiwan’s strategic position, both Trump and Biden should clarify their policies toward China and Taiwan before the election.

The last time Taiwan was the focus of a U.S. election debate was all the way back in 1960, when John F. Kennedy and Richard Nixon were running. At that time, the Second Taiwan Strait Crisis, Kinmen Islands and Matsu Islands were focal points of their elections. Sixty years later, Taiwan’s security and cross-strait relations have once again become the focus of U.S. politics. This is not necessarily good for us, however — we must remain on the alert.


美國大選牽動一連串台海緊張

距離十一月三日美國總統大選投票只剩七十多天。由於川普國內政績奇糟無比,疫情因應失當使得美國感染人數高居全球首位,連帶導致經濟蕭條,又接連併發種族衝突,使他的連任之路充滿挑戰。上次幫助川普大選獲勝的搖擺州,這次都以大幅度輸給民主黨的對手拜登,川普要扳回劣勢並不容易。也因此在剩下的兩個多月,他必將險招盡出。

川普要挽回劣勢,有兩種可能變數。其一,許多州因疫情改採「通訊投票」,由於可能延誤,投票當晚可能無法確知選舉結果。民主黨擔心,川普可能藉機指控郵寄有弊端,拒絕承認通訊投票效力,即使輸了也不會移交權力。其二,世界各國則擔心會有「十月驚奇」。川普可能將勝選的希望放在國外,在九、十月極力製造外交勝利,甚至製造某種軍事危機,以外部形勢為其選情加分。

從兩年前的貿易戰、科技戰開始,川普一直把假想敵鎖定中國大陸。近月來,更率先關閉大陸總領事館,對中國企業抖音(TikTok)和微信(WeChat)頒布禁令;更利用新疆與香港情勢,制裁中共官員。但是,在川普的工具箱中,沒有比對台政策更能刺激中共敏感神經的。川普政府除派遣衛生部長阿查爾訪台,更宣布了一連串的對台軍售;中共立刻還以顏色,宣布在台灣海峽南北兩端實施軍事演習。這意味,九五年的台海危機可能即將重演。

除了台海,南海也是衝突焦點之一。美軍雷根號航空母艦打擊群十四日進入南海,十五日已航至東沙島東方海域,進行海上防空作戰訓練。大陸則部署可以攜帶遠程超音速攻艦飛彈的轟-6J,進駐南海的永興島上備戰。

北京其實很不願意和美國發生衝突,以免落入川普的選戰算計。正在召開的北戴河會議,據傳定調「維繫中美關係」。從近日中共外交官員由楊潔篪、崔天凱等人密集表態願與美國「坦誠對話」,可看出中共有意在美國大選前穩住雙邊關係,既防備川普在選前挑釁,也對可能當選的拜登發出訊息:中美是可以合作修好的。

這對拜登而言,是很重要的信號。紐約時報一篇內幕報導指出,川普周圍的鷹派最近加緊布局,想在選前把中美關係推向難以逆轉的程度;如此,就算拜登當選,短期內也難以修復損傷。拜登日前在《外交事務》上發表了「美國為什麼必須再次領導世界」一文,闡述了其對華競爭理念。拜登反對與中國進行貿易戰,但美國須繼續在國際貿易中扮演領導的角色,而非把頭埋進沙裡。為了更好地應對來自中國的威脅,美國應加強與盟友的經濟合作,而不是摧毀美國精心構建起來的國際體系。

拜登挑選聯邦參議員賀錦麗為副手,外界反應正面居多。賀錦麗身兼非裔、亞裔及女性身分,對照川普與潘斯兩個「老白男」,在目前最熱的「黑人的命也是命」運動中,可確保少數族群獲得尊重。賀錦麗和拜登一樣,屬於民主黨中間派,而非激烈左派。賀錦麗在參議院時,要求保護美國技術不被大陸商業間諜非法獲取;但在對大陸產品加稅上,她又敦促白宮謹慎從事,以免傷害美國企業、工人與消費者,作風務實。

美國朝野目前已有共識,這次選戰最重要的外交議題,將是中國政策。美國《華爾街日報》近日社論更指出,台灣位於美中強權角逐的中心,無論是台積電對美台科技的重要性,或者台灣的戰略地位,川普和拜登都應在選前說清楚對中國和台灣的相關政策。

上一次台灣議題成為美國大選辯論重心,是遠在一九六○年甘迺迪與尼克森競選時;當時,八二三炮戰,金門、馬祖等名詞成了他們選戰的議題焦點。六十年後,台灣的安危與兩岸關係再度成為美國政治的重心,這未必是好事,我們必須警惕再三。
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