Tired and Solitary Display in South China Sea by the US

Published in Huanqiu
(China) on 27 August 2020
by (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Tyler Ruzicka. Edited by Elizabeth Cosgriff.
The U.S. government announced on Wednesday that it will sanction 24 Chinese companies involved in construction on islets in the South China Sea, placing them on the Department of Commerce's entity list, and that it would also institute visa restrictions for certain individuals. This is another new measure taken by the U.S. to scale up conflict with China.

The U.S. has been deliberating on these sanctions for a long time. By pushing them out now, little over two months away from the presidential election, it is clear that they are being used to display a tough approach on China and fuel voter support for President Donald Trump; they can be viewed as a coordinated diplomatic action to help the presiding Republican government achieve reelection.

The magnitude of these sanctions was planned according to the needs of the election. The actual threat they pose to Chinese companies added to the list, such as the China Communications Construction Company, is limited, but they create some uncertainty for these companies' future development abroad. With the announcement of these sanctions, the U.S. has further reinforced its recently expressed position on the issue of South China Sea sovereignty, and intensified its antagonism toward China within the South China Sea. However, it has not made any signs of escalating its strategic goals in the South China Sea or preparing for a contest of strength with the Chinese army. Its bearing in the South China Sea is merely the result of habitual, gradual change.

The issue of sovereignty over the South China Sea has been analyzed and worked over many times already. The region has gradually developed an adaptability toward disputes of public opinion and legal principle. With talks for a code of conduct for the South China Sea underway, the risks associated with these disputes is shrinking, and the space for external forces like the U.S. to stir up trouble is limited.

The true risk to the state of affairs in the region is the possibility of military friction. The probability of mishaps occurring between China and other claimant countries on the South China Sea is less than in previous years; however, the risk of an incident sparking serious conflict between the American and Chinese naval and air forces is growing. This is the real central cause for elevated tension in the region.

On the one hand, the U.S. brutally pushes freedom of navigation in the South China Sea, putting constant pressure on China, while on the other, it fears the continuous modernization of China's naval forces and land-based missile force, as well as China's determination to hold fast to the bottom line of its interests. Our resolve to firmly retaliate in the face of an attack is unwavering, no matter when it may come. The U.S. understands this, and so its provocations in the South China Sea will oscillate within the existing region, and it will remain cautious about challenging China's bottom line.

Foreign media reported that China’s People's Liberation Army fired DF-21D and DF-26B missiles into South China Sea waters on Aug. 26. China has not yet confirmed nor denied these reports. We believe that as the U.S. military flexes its muscles in the South China Sea with increasing frequency, the People's Liberation Army must simultaneously increase activity within those waters. We must stifle and hedge against the United States' arrogance, reinforce its understanding that China is unafraid of war and that it will not be softhearted if conflict erupts, and prevent Washington from mistakenly believing that it can scare the Chinese people by flaunting its military power.

Sanctions against Chinese companies are a fairly peripheral move in this game between the U.S. and China. They won't be able to create any substantial pressure against China, and their ability to boost morale for countries like Vietnam and the Philippines is also extremely limited. Chinese people will also turn their noses up at visa restrictions against Chinese personnel especially. Right now, the U.S. is far from bringing the coronavirus pandemic under control; how many Chinese will be willing to cross the Pacific to visit the country with the world's severest outbreak?

The U.S. is constantly placing Chinese companies on its entity list. While it is not easy for China to take equivalent retaliatory action, we don't need to become disheartened. That's because, firstly, all commercial sanctions are necessarily a double-edged sword; when the U.S. sanctions a Chinese company, it is simultaneously cutting away at American companies too. Secondly, as the U.S. uses sanctions more and more, protections against these American sanctions will gradually become a part of Chinese companies' genome, and the strategic ability to hedge against these sanctions will take shape within the Chinese economy. This kind of adaptability will certainly develop at an accelerated pace.


社评:美在南海的表演吃力而孤独

美国政府星期三宣布制裁与南海岛礁建设相关的24家中国公司,将它们列入商务部实体清单,并且将对一些个人进行签证限制。这是美方扩大对华冲突面的又一新举措。

为启动这一制裁,美方已经酝酿了很久,在离大选仅剩两个多月的时候将它推出来,以此展示对华强硬态度并拉动特朗普总统选情的用意十分明显,因此这也可以看成配合现执政的共和党政府实现连任的一个外交策应行动。

这次制裁的力度是根据选举需要设计的,它对进入名单的中国交通建设等相关中国公司构成的现实损害有限,但给那些公司未来海外开展业务制造了一些不确定性。美国通过宣布这些制裁进一步渲染了美近期表达的对南海主权问题的立场,强化了它在南海上对抗中国的态度,但它没有做升级在南海战略目标并准备与中方军事较量的暗示,它的南海态度正在惯性地量变。


南海的主权问题已经掰开揉碎折腾好几轮了,对法理和舆论层面的争执,地区内逐渐形成了适应力,加上“南海行为准则”谈判处于进展中,“吵架”在这里所意味的风险在降低,美国等外部力量能够煽动的空间是有限的。

这一地区局势的真正风险是发生军事摩擦,南海其他声索国与中国出海上意外事件的几率要小于前些年,但美中海空力量擦枪走火的风险则有上升之势,这也是南海局势比过去更加紧张的真正焦点。

美国一方面野蛮推行南海上的“自由航行”,对中国保持压力,一方面它对中方海上军事力量和陆基导弹力量不断现代化、以及中方坚守利益底线的决心是有所畏惧的。不管什么时候,我们在遭到攻击时必将坚决反击的意志都毫不动摇,美方对此了解,因此它的南海挑衅将在现有区间内摆动,它会对挑战中方底线保持谨慎。

外界传解放军26日对南海水域发射了东风-21D和东风-26B导弹,中方对这一报道既未否认也未确认。我们认为,随着美军在南海愈发频密地秀肌肉,解放军在那片水域的行动必须同时增加,压制、对冲美方的气焰,强化对方对中国不惧战、会在冲突爆发情况下决不手软意志的认识,防止华盛顿产生他们炫耀武力能把中国人吓住的误判。

美制裁中国公司,这是中美南海博弈比较外围的美方招数,对中方形不成实质的压力,对越南菲律宾等国的鼓舞效应也非常有限。至于对中方人员搞签证限制,尤其会被中国人嗤之以鼻。在美方控制住疫情遥遥无期的当下,会有多少中国人愿意去大洋彼岸全球最严重的“疫情国”呢?

美方不断将中国的公司列入实体清单,中方实施对等报复并非很容易,但我们无需因此而沮丧。这是因为第一,所有商业制裁都注定是双刃剑,美方制裁中国一个公司,就会同时割美方公司一块肉。第二,美国这样干得多了,防止遭美制裁会逐渐成为中国公司的一项成长基因,也会在中国经济内部形成战略性的避险功能。这样的适应性一定会加快成长。
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