US Pork vs. the Passport: Is Eating US Pork the Only Way To Prove We Are Taiwanese?

Published in UDN
(Taiwan) on 4 September 2020
by Guancheng Yi (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Pinyu Hwang. Edited by Olivia Parker.
A Western proverb goes, "You are what you eat." This doesn't seem to apply in Taiwan.

President Tsai Ing-Wen announced the decision to import U.S. pork and beef, and right as the issue began to boil over with negative criticism of the Democratic Progressive Party, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs came to the rescue with the "timely" release of a new passport design. The "Taiwan" is printed in large eye-catching letters, but the "Republic of China" is so small that you need a magnifying glass to see it clearly.

Moreover, media outlets have found that, while, originally, 37 non-government groups were opposed to the opening up of U.S. pig imports, now there are only two that remain in firm opposition; the rest have gone silent. It seems that rather than what we eat, society cares more about who we are.

This distinction between identity and lifestyle has indeed become a topic of interest to many scholars. For example, Francis Fukuyama, a scholar who once declared that all mankind would embrace freedom and democracy, has pointed out that post-Cold War identity politics have become so prevalent that it has led to the rise of populism, triggering Britain's departure from the European Union and allowing Donald Trump to ascend to the U.S. presidency, creating a political crisis for Western democracy.

British sociologist Anthony Giddens has also offered a discourse on politics in this post-Cold War era of globalization. In his book, “Modernity and Self-Identity,” Giddens argues that, in the process of institutional transformation in modern societies, the demands on the system have given rise to a distinction between emancipatory politics and life politics.

Emancipatory politics refers to the liberation of social life from traditions and constraints based on hierarchical power, with the aim of eliminating or mitigating inequality and exploitation of power and resources. Emancipation politics emphasizes the inequality of power and resources among people, and its inclination is therefore toward "others." In short, it focuses on distinctions such as class, ethnic group, gender and so on. Emancipation politics is externally oriented rather than introspective; it emphasizes "freedom" rather than "responsibility."

As opposed to emancipation politics, which is a politics of "life chances," Giddens' so-called life politics places emphasis on lifestyle, with hopes of constructing a new order of life and achieving self-actualization through reflexive action. Life politics is based on the individual's inherent power in making a series of decisions in daily life, constantly asking the questions, “How should we live?” “What kind of life do we want?” Life politics is self-oriented, with more emphasis placed on individuals’ actualization of their lives than on collective freedom. Once I believe that global warming threatens my life and have become aware that developmentalism exploits both the environment and the underprivileged, I must make changes in my daily life. I should not be the hypocrite who proclaims to be anti-nuclear energy while sitting comfortably in an air-conditioned room, or boast of being leftist while in hot pursuit of the latest consumer trends. All of these operational decisions often have little to do with which group I belong to.

Giddens argues that self-identity is not an external label. External nomenclature carries with it the power to declare, but true self-identity is constructed through reflexive, everyday life experiences. Collectivity is sometimes unfounded, bringing with it deception and oppression, disconnected from life experiences and leading to a sense of powerlessness.

Giddens also points to the relationship between technocracy and the risks of modern society as constructed by the professional system. He argues that "trust" has shifted from face-to-face promises in traditional societies to impersonal ones in modern society. We cannot obtain assurances from pig farmers about the safety and health of their pigs, so we rely on the people working in labs to tell us whether the pigs are safe. The question is, are these experts truly more reliable? Are there any political operations at work? Is there any temptation of corporate interest? Or does a person cherish their credibility more for fear of losing the trust of others?

Modern social risks have departed from traditional social risks. The risks we face from natural hazards have been dramatically reduced, while the risks posed by technocracy are increasing. Asymmetries in knowledge, information and even credibility are exposing us to greater risk than ever before. Giddens argues that it is possible to counter such technocracy in everyday decision-making.

Before asking, "Who am I?" "Who are we?", first ask yourself, "What kind of life do I want?" Before you eat the pork, think to yourself, "What is it that I'm eating?" "Why am I eating it?" Maybe there is really no need to prove ourselves Taiwanese by eating American pigs.


西諺說:「你所食用的決定了你是誰。」看來這話在台灣似不太適用。

蔡總統宣布開放美豬與牛肉進口,正當這個議題沸沸揚揚對民進黨政府負評上升之際,外交部「適時」救援,發表新護照圖樣。大大的英文台灣字樣,而中華民國的英文國名卻小到要用放大鏡。

另外,有媒體發現,當初反對開放美豬進口的還有卅七個民間團體,現在仍堅持反對的剩兩個,其他都噤聲。看來社會比起我們吃什麼,更在乎我們是誰。

這種身分與生活孰輕孰重選擇,也是許多學者關心的議題。例如,曾宣稱全人類都將擁抱自由民主的學者法蘭西斯福山就指出,冷戰後的身分政治大行其道,造成民粹主義橫行,引動英國脫歐,也讓川普登上美國總統寶座,造成西方民主政治危機。

英國社會學家紀登斯也對冷戰後全球化時代的政治提出一套論述。紀登斯在「現代性與自我認同」一書中認為在現代社會制度轉化的過程中,因為對制度的要求而產生兩種政治主張,即解放政治與生活政治。

解放政治是指將社會生活從上下層級權力為基礎的傳統與約束中解放出來,目的要消除或緩解權力與資源的不平等與剝削。解放政治強調人際之間權力與資源的不平等,所以是「他人」取向的。簡言之就是敵我區分,如階級、族群、性別等。解放政治是外求的,而非內省的;是強調「自由」而非「責任」。

相較於解放政治重視生活機會,紀登斯所謂生活政治更重視生活風格,希望透過反思性行動建構新生活秩序,完成自我實踐過程。生活政治是基於內生本有的權力於日常生活中一連串選擇,不斷自問「我該如何生活?」「我想要怎樣的生活?」生活政治是自我取向的,更強調個體的生活實踐,而非集體自由。當我覺得地球暖化危機會威脅到我的生活,我也意識到發展主義對環境及弱勢者的剝削,我就必須在日常生活中做出改變。而不是在冷氣房中反核,在追逐消費潮流中自詡左派。這一切行動決策往往跟我是哪個群體沒太大相關。

紀登斯認為自我認同不是外部命名,外部命名都帶有權力宣示,真正的自我認同是透過反思的日常生活經歷所建構的。集體性有時是虛妄的,帶有欺騙性與壓迫性,與生活經驗脫節,讓人產生無力感。

紀登斯也指出專業體系所建構專家政治與現代社會風險之間關係,他認為現代社會的信賴從傳統社會中的面對面承諾,轉變成為非當面的承諾。我們無法從養豬人掛保證豬隻的安全與健康,只能從實驗室告訴我們這些豬隻是否安全。問題是這些專家真的比較可靠嗎?有沒有政治權力的運作?有沒有財團利益的誘惑?還是一個人因擔心失信更珍惜信譽呢?

現代社會風險不同於傳統社會風險,我們所面對自然風險的危害已大幅降低,專家政治所造成的風險反而不斷增加。因為知識的、資訊的乃至信用的不對稱,使我們暴露在更大風險中。紀登斯認為日常生活決策是有可能對抗這種專家政治的。

在問「我是誰?」「我們是誰?」前先自問,想過的生活是什麼?在吃豬肉前想想我吃的是什麼?為何吃?或許我們真的不用透過吃美豬來證明自己是台灣人。
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