Standing Up for Taiwan? The US Won’t Risk Aggravating China

Published in UDN
(Taiwan) on 27 September 2020
by Yang-Ming Sun (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Pinyu Hwang. Edited by Elizabeth Cosgriff.

 

 

 

In an interview with NPR on Sept. 20, Foreign Minister Joseph Wu said, "Taiwan will not seek full diplomatic relations with the United States at this time" and that in the event of a conflict across the Taiwan Strait, "Taiwan will not rely on U.S. intervention." This is completely different from what the Democratic Progressive Party has always proclaimed, causing a significant uproar.

During her presidential campaign last year, President Tsai Ing-wen said in a CNN interview that "we would hope that after withstanding any first wave of attacks ourselves, other countries throughout the world would stand up in unison and put strong pressure upon China in response." Since then, the message from the Tsai government, intentionally or unintentionally, has been that “if the CCP uses force in the Taiwan Strait, the United States will intervene.”

There is a reason for the Democratic Progressive Party's current stance. The Trump administration's assistant secretary of state for East Asian and Pacific affairs, David R. Stilwell, who has long been a supporter of the DPP, said in a meeting of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee on Sept. 17, "The U.S. takes no position on sovereignty over Taiwan.* This is part of the 'back and forth' between China and Taiwan. The fundamental U.S. interest is that the Taiwan question be resolved peacefully, without coercion, and in a manner acceptable to the people on both sides of the Strait.* [The U.S.] leaves the sovereignty issue to the two sides of the Taiwan Strait to decide."

What is most worth noting is that Stilwell said this during the Senate hearing, and it was brought up repeatedly in conversation between Stilwell and pro-Taiwan senator Ted Cruz. He stressed that the issue is "best left for the two sides of the Taiwan Strait to decide."** Following the spark set off three weeks ago by Stilwell's declassification of President Ronald Reagan's Six Assurances on military sales to Taiwan, this has become the latest testimony. This is the reason for Joseph Wu's words on Sept. 20, saying that Taiwan will not press for the establishment of full diplomatic relations and will not rely on the United States to intervene in the conflict in the Taiwan Strait, a glaring contrast to the DPP's long-held expectations in the past.

On Sept. 23, Sen. Marco Rubio, a supporter of the DPP, told the Hudson Institute, "I do believe that eventually it [Taiwan] is a red-line issue for China, and eventually… they will move by force, if necessary, to exert their claims on Taiwan." He stated that "we should help Taiwan not to win an all-out conflict against China, that's not possible." His suggestion is to raise the cost of military adventurism on the Chinese Communist Party to a level such that the CCP is not willing to initiate conflict after assessing the risk and benefit.

In fact, Rubio's suggestion had already been mentioned by Hao Pei-tsun back when Hao had been the president of the Executive Yuan,*** and Hao’s proposal had been even more extensive. At that time, regarding cross-strait issues, the idea was to avoid provoking the CCP while maintaining appropriate preparations in the form of military armaments. In this way, it would be possible to uphold peaceful cross-strait relations without expending too many resources on the military aspects. Later, Ma Ying-jeou's administration adopted the same policy.

The sudden change in the attitude of U.S. foreign policy should not be surprising. After all, there have always been indications of this, and this is far from the first time this has happened. However, the DPP's insistence on charging blindly forward may lead Taiwan into an unknown and unpredictable abyss.

*Editor's note: The author appears to have conflated remarks made by David Stilwell on two different occasions: (1) a presentation to the Heritage Foundation on Aug. 31, 2020 and (2) testimony before the U.S. Senate Foreign Relations Committee on Sept. 17, 2020. While accurately translated, portions of this quoted statement could not be independently verified.

**Editor's note: Although accurately translated, remarks by David Stilwell following his prepared statement to the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, including those quoted as having been made in conversation with Sen. Cruz, could not be independently verified.

***Editor’s note: The Executive Yuan is the executive branch of the government of Taiwan.




外交部長吳釗燮九月廿日接受美國全國公共電台(NPR)訪問時,表示,「台灣目前不會尋求與美國建立全面外交關係」,同時,一旦在台海發生衝突時,「台灣不會依靠美國介入」。消息傳出後,各界大嘩,因為這與民進黨一向說法迥異。

因為去年蔡英文總統競選時,接受CNN専訪表示,「我們自己會承受第一波攻擊之後,全世界其他國家可以共同站出來,對中國做一個很強烈的表示跟壓力」。自此之後,蔡政府在有意無意之間所釋出的訊息,就是「如果中共在台海動武,美國會出兵干涉」。

民進黨政府這種說法,其來有自。因為,一向支持民進黨的川普政府亞太助卿史達偉,十七日在參院外交委員會上表示,「(在有關台灣)主權問題上,我們不持立場。這是大陸與台灣爭執(back and forth)部分。我們在台灣關係法與政府政策下,要求經由對話以和平方式解決,而非強制或使用武力。所以決定有關主權問題(美國)決定不做決定而是由兩岸去處理」。

值得注意的是,史達偉是在參院聽證會說的,是史達偉與親台派參議員克魯茲來回答問中,反覆提到的。他並且強調,這議題「留給(海峽)雙方去決定是最好的」。和三周前史達偉解密雷根總統對台軍售「六項保證翻修版」引發想像後,近日出現的最新證詞;因而才有吳釗燮廿日「不要求建交、也不會依靠美國介入台海衝突」的說法,明白直接的把民進黨過去期待,硬生生大轉彎。

九月廿三日,支持民進黨的參議員魯比歐,在智庫哈德遜研究所表示,我相信,台灣議題會是中國的紅線,而最終如有必要他們會動用武力。他表示,「我們並不是要幫助台灣去贏得這一場全面對抗中國的戰爭;那是不可能的。」他的建議是,要提高中共在此戰中付出的代價,使得中共在做損益評估後,因了解代價太高,而放棄這意圖。

其實,魯比歐的主張,早在當年郝柏村出任行政院長時,就提過類似主張,且還更周延。當時是在兩岸相關議題上,不要過分刺激中共,同時在軍事武備上,做適度準備;這樣不用耗費過多資源武備力,同時可以維持和緩的兩岸關係。後來的馬政府也持同樣政策。

美國外交政策態度丕變,其實並不令人驚訝;畢竟早是有跡可循,且屢見不鮮;只是民進黨一意孤行的作法,可能把台灣帶入一個未知且不可測的深淵。
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