We Must Be a Full-Fledged Partner with the USA
Germany and Europe can only successfully revive Western democracy with the United States at their side, the coordinator of trans-Atlantic cooperation for Germany writes in a guest commentary. Russia is establishing international precedents while the European Union just watches.
I am often asked about the old West. Images of the Raisin Bombers* or Ronald Reagan in front of the Brandenburg Gate start running through my head. This West, the foundation of our democracy and of our well-being, is history. But that does not mean that this old West is an obsolescent model. On the contrary, it is more important than it has been for a very long time to turn toward the West.
Let’s be realistic: A historic opportunity presents itself after the election of Joe Biden as the 46th U.S. president. Without falling into euphoria, we recognize that Biden, unlike his predecessor, is a trans-Atlantic politician. He understands that the United States can only secure its power long-term if it acts in close alliance with its Western partners.
That does not mean that everything will be easier with Biden. This opportunity is simultaneously a test and an obligation for us. The new West will not be delivered to Germany free or sold at a bargain price. Germany must now demonstrate that it is prepared to assume responsibility as a leading political and economic partner nation in Europe.
The U.S. will only accept Germany and Europe as equal partners if we seriously intend to pursue a more powerful foreign policy and to awaken from our deep slumber in security policy. The window of time for this is short: It is possible that, in four years, another president will take office who thinks nationally, not internationally. We Europeans must prepare ourselves for this scenario—and significantly build up and strengthen our common European defense. The European Union must position itself as sovereign—and simultaneously operate firmly grounded in the trans-Atlantic partnership.
As a first step, Germany must advance more quickly toward NATO’s 2% target. In doing so, investments must be goal-oriented and efficient, including with an eye to new fields such as cybersecurity. In addition, the German federal government needs a better coordinated, overarching strategy for foreign and security polity that integrates these spheres of activity more closely. A central point for this strategy is the creation of a National Security Council, with a Cabinet-level member at its head who has a supervisory function and possesses the relevant skills and resources.
With the coronavirus pandemic, we are now living in the third global upheaval of the still young 21st century, following the 9/11 terrorist attacks and the financial crisis. Many crises will follow, and tough times are in store worldwide.
Some signs can be clearly read: Russia is establishing precedents in Ukraine, Syria and Libya, while we often just watch. With the intensifying competition between the U.S. and China, we are now experiencing the first days of a new cold war that will define the century.
Disengagement from the U.S., as Germany’s Social Democratic Party has proposed, is wrong. A decoupling from Washington is much more dangerous for security than many believe. Without security backing from Washington, Germany and Europe are not capable of protecting themselves.
*Editor’s note: Raisin Bombers was the colloquial name given by Berliners to the Western Allied transport aircraft that brought in supplies by airlift to West Berlin during the Soviet blockade of Berlin in 1948-1949.
I am often asked about the old West. Images of the Raisin Bombers* or Ronald Reagan in front of the Brandenburg Gate start running through my head. This West, the foundation of our democracy and of our well-being, is history. But that does not mean that this old West is an obsolescent model. On the contrary, it is more important than it has been for a very long time to turn toward the West.
Let’s be realistic: A historic opportunity presents itself after the election of Joe Biden as the 46th U.S. president. Without falling into euphoria, we recognize that Biden, unlike his predecessor, is a trans-Atlantic politician. He understands that the United States can only secure its power long-term if it acts in close alliance with its Western partners.
That does not mean that everything will be easier with Biden. This opportunity is simultaneously a test and an obligation for us. The new West will not be delivered to Germany free or sold at a bargain price. Germany must now demonstrate that it is prepared to assume responsibility as a leading political and economic partner nation in Europe.
The U.S. will only accept Germany and Europe as equal partners if we seriously intend to pursue a more powerful foreign policy and to awaken from our deep slumber in security policy. The window of time for this is short: It is possible that, in four years, another president will take office who thinks nationally, not internationally. We Europeans must prepare ourselves for this scenario—and significantly build up and strengthen our common European defense. The European Union must position itself as sovereign—and simultaneously operate firmly grounded in the trans-Atlantic partnership.
As a first step, Germany must advance more quickly toward NATO’s 2% target. In doing so, investments must be goal-oriented and efficient, including with an eye to new fields such as cybersecurity. In addition, the German federal government needs a better coordinated, overarching strategy for foreign and security polity that integrates these spheres of activity more closely. A central point for this strategy is the creation of a National Security Council, with a Cabinet-level member at its head who has a supervisory function and possesses the relevant skills and resources.
With the coronavirus pandemic, we are now living in the third global upheaval of the still young 21st century, following the 9/11 terrorist attacks and the financial crisis. Many crises will follow, and tough times are in store worldwide.
Some signs can be clearly read: Russia is establishing precedents in Ukraine, Syria and Libya, while we often just watch. With the intensifying competition between the U.S. and China, we are now experiencing the first days of a new cold war that will define the century.
Disengagement from the U.S., as Germany’s Social Democratic Party has proposed, is wrong. A decoupling from Washington is much more dangerous for security than many believe. Without security backing from Washington, Germany and Europe are not capable of protecting themselves.
*Editor’s note: Raisin Bombers was the colloquial name given by Berliners to the Western Allied transport aircraft that brought in supplies by airlift to West Berlin during the Soviet blockade of Berlin in 1948-1949.
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