Direction of the Biden Administration’s New China Policy

Published in UDN
(Taiwan) on 18 July 2021
by Chou Yang-shan (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Pinyu Hwang. Edited by Gillian Palmer.
During the 2020 U.S. election, many pro-Taiwan independence "green Trump fans"* joined together with the far-right wing of the Republican Party, overseas anti-China forces, and Hong Kong Occupy Central activists to form an "anti-Biden" transnational coalition to confront the U.S. liberal establishment and Democratic Party mainstream. They fought hard to win the presidential election – and failed.

These die-hard Donald Trump supporters were so incensed that they condemned Joe Biden for "stealing the election" and "betraying America." However, when the fanatical Trump fans took over Capitol Hill on Jan. 6, rioting and attempting to overturn the election results, violating the principles of American-style democracy in terms of legitimacy — of course, the result was public outrage, backlash and utter defeat.

It has been more than half a year since the U.S. presidential election, and looking back at the demands of those Trump loyalists, it is clear that they were not without sense. Biden's China policy is indeed a change of course after Trump's mania, blindness and flip-flopping.

First, the Biden administration announced in July that it "does not support Taiwan independence" and affirmed that the United States has returned to a "One China" position, while emphasizing it would maintain “unofficial" relations with Taiwan. In addition, Biden has reiterated that he would cooperate and compete with mainland China, but avoid a return to the conflict and antagonism of a new Cold War and prevent any unintentional military confrontation. In other words, the goal is to prevent war in the Taiwan Strait and conflict in the South China Sea, not for the U.S. to raise its stance and deliberately intensify the confrontation.

Second, Biden announced the full withdrawal of troops from Afghanistan, officially ending a 20-year war. This is a signal of the decline of U.S. national power, and show that Biden is determined to avoid military conflict. He also proposed an infrastructure budget of up to $6 trillion, which is still being negotiated in Congress and will likely be scaled back to $3.5 trillion. This choice to insist on strengthening domestic power, improving people's livelihood and competing with China on the basis of actual strength is an important one for Biden.

Third, in mid-June, Biden proposed the "Build Back Better World" program to the Group of Seven and other allies during his trip to Europe, with the aim of competing with China's Belt and Road Initiative to provide more and better alternatives for countries in terms of infrastructure. This is the first time the U.S. has acknowledged the positive role of the Belt and Road Initiative and advocated a formal challenge to the Chinese initiative through healthy rivalry by means of economic competition.

Fourth, after formally meeting with EU and Russian leaders in Europe, Biden's diplomatic team is now actively arranging for him to meet with Xi Jinping to build a new type of major power relationship between China and the United States through direct face-to-face conversation. We are stepping into a new era of the Group of Two, and the issue of Taiwan and the South China Sea will be the focus of the discussion.

Judging from the aforementioned approach and its pace, Biden's style is moderate and progressive, as he refrains from actively making enemies or intensifying conflicts, while not evading differences in ideology. He is aware that the era of U.S. dominance is over, and that the U.S. must unite the strength of allies in order to regain leadership and recover international relations that deteriorated under the Trump administration.

Although the EU powers have shown Biden adequate courtesy, maintaining the appearance of solidarity and cooperation, it is clear that Germany and France oppose a "pro-U.S., anti-China" position. Therefore, although Biden declares that "America is back," he knows very well that America's power has been gradually weakening and is far from what it used to be. The U.S. can only look to itself to rebuild a divided democracy through key measures addressing social welfare and infrastructure, as well as by narrowing the gap between the rich and the poor, improving race relations and enhancing the quality of education in order to improve the competitiveness of its people.

In other words, under Biden, competition with China will require a long journey of preparation for the very difficult task of defending U.S. hegemony; it will not be a short-term populist operation, nor will it lead to gunfire.

*Translator's Note: Taiwan's Democratic Progressive Party's representative color is green.

The author is a professor at Chinese Culture University.



二○二○年美國大選期間,許多支持台獨的「綠營川粉」結合共和黨極右翼、海外反華勢力和香港占中人士,形成一支「反拜登」跨國聯合陣線,展開與美國自由派、建制派和民主黨主流的對抗。他們力爭總統勝選,結果失敗了!

這些川普死忠支持者氣憤難消,譴責拜登「偷竊選舉」、「出賣美國」,但是,當一月六日狂熱川粉藉暴動占據國會山莊,企圖推翻選舉結果時,違背美式民主的正當性原則,結果當然是觸怒民意、招致反彈,一敗塗地。

美國總統選舉結束迄今,大半年時間過去了,現在回頭看那些川普死忠的訴求,很顯然並非無釐頭。拜登的對華政策,在川普躁進、盲動與甩鍋後,果然已改弦易轍。

首先,拜登政府在七月宣布「不支持台獨」,並肯定美國已回到「一個中國」立場,同時強調維持與台灣「非官方關係」。另外,他還重申會與中國大陸合作、競爭,但要避免重回冷戰時代的衝突和對抗,防止戰爭意外發生。換言之,要防杜台海戰爭及南海衝突,非拉高姿態,故意激化對立。

其次,拜登宣布自阿富汗全面撤軍,正式結束長達廿年戰爭。這是美國國力式微象徵,也表明拜登「不求戰」決心。另外,他還提出高達六兆美元的基礎建設計畫,目前仍在國會協商中,很可能會縮減到三.五兆美元規模。這是他堅持夯實國力、改善民生,憑實力與中國競爭的重要選擇。

第三,六月中,拜登歐洲之行中,向G7等盟友提出「重建更好世界」(Build Back Better World) 計畫,目的是與中國「一帶一路」倡議競爭,以提供各國在基礎建設上更多、更好的另類選擇。這是美國第一次肯定「一帶一路」的積極作用,並主張透過良性競爭,以經濟競賽為手段,向中國倡議提出正式挑戰。

第四,在歐洲正式會晤歐盟、俄羅斯等國領導人後,拜登外交團隊正積極安排他與習近平會面,透過面對面直接商議,構建中美新型大國關係。這將是G2時代新紀元。而其中台灣與南海問題,將成討論主題。

從上述作法與步調看,拜登的作風是溫和漸進,不主動樹敵,不激化矛盾,但也不迴避歧見。他深知美國獨霸時代已過去,必須團結盟友力量,才能恢復領導地位,把川普執政時不斷惡化的國際關係找回來。

儘管歐盟大國給了拜登足夠面子,維持表面的團結合作,但德、法等國反對「聯美抗中」立場十分明顯。因此,雖然拜登明言「美國回來了」,但卻心知肚明,美國國力正逐漸減弱,已是今非昔比!美國只能反求諸己,透過社會福利與基礎建設等關鍵措施,重建分裂的民主,並縮短貧富差距,改善族群關係,強化教育素質,以提升民眾的競爭力。

換言之,在拜登治下,對華競爭將是一場準備工夫漫長、任務十分艱鉅的霸權保衛戰,但卻不是短線的民粹操作,或難以收拾的擦槍走火。(作者為中國文化大學教授)
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