The Biden Administration’s 3 Big Cybersecurity Misjudgments

Published in Huanqiu
(China) on 13 August 2021
by Chuanying Lu (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Jaime Cantwell. Edited by Helaine Schweitzer.
Recently, the United States joined with the European Union, the United Kingdom, Australia, Canada, New Zealand, Japan and NATO to issue a joint statement accusing China of malicious cyber behavior. The statement addressed a cyberattack on Microsoft servers, claiming that Chinese hackers exploited Microsoft's vulnerabilities to carry out the attack. It is worth noting that mobilizing allies to exert collective pressure is not uncommon in today's U.S.-China relations. When the U.S. asked these countries to act together in sanctioning China, however, only a few responded. Anne Neuberger, the deputy national security advisor for cyber and emerging technology in the Biden administration, publicly stated at a cybersecurity conference in early August that allies have significant policy differences with the United States on the issue and are unwilling to join the United States in sanctioning China.

This shows that the Biden administration's cybersecurity policy on China is fundamentally unpopular, with obvious implications of political manipulation. The U.S. is hoping to repair the rift with its allies in the field of cybersecurity by discrediting China and shaping the China threat. However, the U.S. itself has a long history of eavesdropping on allies and their dignitaries, especially after the scandal in late May that the U.S. National Security Agency used its partnership with Danish intelligence to eavesdrop on the senior officials of Denmark's neighbors, leading to another embarrassment for the Biden administration, which is currently trying to repair trans-Atlantic relations. For this reason, the U.S. is eager to create a common enemy in the field of cybersecurity to combat China while easing complaints from allies about its reckless wiretapping activities.

Since Joe Biden’s administration took office, the U.S. is doing worse than Donald Trump’s administration ever did with respect to cybersecurity issues. The U.S. is annoying its allies, cracking down on Russia and smearing China internationally, while at home, it is hyping up cybersecurity issues, instilling fear in society and the public, and using security as a reason to hold businesses hostage in the U.S.-China political conflict.

The main reason why the Biden administration has been so unsure about cybersecurity is that it has made three major misjudgments about cybersecurity. The first misjudgment is overstating the cybersecurity threat to the United States. There is no absolute security in cyberspace, and security incidents happen all the time, so if you overinterpret matters, you will easily fall into this trap of insecurity. Both wiretapping allies and smearing China are outward manifestations of this thinking.

The second misjudgment is that the U.S. is taking a one-sided view of how countries relate to each other in the field of cybersecurity. While cybersecurity has an offensive side, it also has a cooperative side. The anonymity and transnational nature of cybersecurity require countries to strengthen cooperation in order to deal with it together. The U.S. is unwilling to engage in dialogue and seek consensus with China and Russia on cybersecurity issues, and it has been unilaterally prosecuting cybersecurity threats and imposing sanctions to deal with them, fundamentally ignoring the importance of international cooperation in maintaining global cybersecurity.

The third miscalculation is the misperception of China as the biggest challenge in cyberspace. Many Americans use the Thucydides' Trap mentality to view China's growing capabilities in cybersecurity, focusing their attention on China and viewing everything China does in the cyber domain through a magnifying glass. However, these people feel that any hint of a clue is enough to substantiate their preconceived judgments. Technically, such clues are valid, but they do not mean that the cyberattacks originated in China, let alone that they were supported by the Chinese government.

I have long followed the public traceability of U.S. cyberattacks against China. In the case of 1,000 alleged cyberattacks, in the end, the United States could come up with evidence supporting no more than five, not to mention whether or not this so-called evidence is reliable. For example, before the election, several U.S. government agencies jumped at accusing China of interfering in the U.S. election through social networks, but no evidence was found, and the U.S. government had to admit the accusations were wrong. If one carefully looks at the history of events in the U.S., there are many similar incidents. Such groundless accusations have done great harm to China's image in the cyber domain.

The reason the United States is heading further down the wrong path is evident in the Biden administration's appointments of officials responsible for cybersecurity. For example, Neuberger previously served as director and first chief risk officer of the National Security Agency National Cyber Director Chris Inglis previously served as deputy director of the NSA; and Jen Easterly, second director of the Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency within the Department of Homeland Security, formerly served as deputy director for counterterrorism at the NSA. In addition, NSA Cybersecurity Director Rob Joyce previously served on the National Security Council as cybersecurity coordinator and special assistant to the president from March 2017 to May 2018. The consequence of this full takeover of U.S. cybersecurity policy by this group of officials from the NSA is that U.S. cyber policy has become more offensive, more confrontational, and more about the pursuit of absolute cybersecurity, while the concepts of development, dialogue and cooperation have been tossed aside.

Barack Obama’s administration gave high priority to the coordination of cybersecurity issues with technological developments and international cooperation, requiring intelligence agencies to follow strict norms when taking action. Such an attitude was completely abandoned in the Trump administration. Under the Biden administration, officials from the national security community have taken over, and it is foreseeable that the Biden administration will further increase the difficulty of coordinating complex cyber issues, and will normalize the situation where departmental interests override national interests.

The author is a researcher and secretary-general of the Research Center for Global Cyberspace Governance at the Shanghai Institutes of International Studies.


近期,美国联手欧盟、英国、澳大利亚、加拿大、新西兰、日本和北约组织发表联合声明,指责“中国的恶意网络行为”。声明重点援引微软服务器遭受网络攻击的事件,声称“中国黑客”利用微软漏洞开展攻击。值得注意的是,动员盟友采取集体施压的情况在当今的中美关系中并不少见。但是,当美国要求这些国家一起采取行动制裁中国时,响应者寥寥。负责网络安全事务的总统国家安全事务副助理安妮·纽伯格在8月初的网络安全会议上公开表示,盟友们在这一问题上与美国存在重大分歧,不愿意与美国一道制裁中国。

这表明拜登政府的对华网络安全政策根本不得人心,政治操纵意味明显。美国是希望通过抹黑中国,塑造“中国威胁”来修复与盟友在网络安全领域的裂痕。可美国自己在监听盟友及其政要方面可谓黑料累累,尤其是5月底爆出美国国家安全局利用和丹麦情报部门的合作关系监听丹麦邻国高官的丑闻,导致试图修复跨大西洋关系的拜登政府又陷入尴尬。为此,美国急于通过打造网络安全领域的“共同敌人”,在打击中国的同时,平复盟友对其肆无忌惮监听活动的抱怨。

拜登执政后,美国在网络安全问题上是劣迹斑斑,比特朗普政府有过之而无不及。美国在国际上监听盟友、打击俄罗斯、抹黑中国,在国内则炒作网络安全议题,向社会和公众兜售恐惧,以安全为由将企业裹挟到中美政治冲突中来。

拜登政府之所以在网络安全问题上表现得进退失据,主要原因在于对网络安全存在三大误判。第一重误判就是过度夸大了美国面临的网络安全威胁。网络空间不存在绝对的安全,安全事件每时每刻都在发生,如果过度解读的话,容易陷入这种不安全陷阱中无法自拔。无论是监听盟友,还是抹黑中国,都是这种心态的外在表现。

第二重误判就是片面看待了各国在网络安全上的关系。网络安全有进攻性的一面,同时也具有合作性的一面。网络安全的匿名、跨国等特点都需要各国加强合作才能共同应对。美国不愿意与中俄等国就网络安全问题开展对话,寻求共识,一味采取单边起诉和制裁等方式来应对网络安全威胁,就是从根本上忽略了国际合作在维护全球网络安全中的重要性。

第三重误判就是错将中国视为网络空间最大的挑战。不少美国人用修昔底德陷阱的思维来看待中国在网络安全领域能力的增长,将注意力和关注度聚焦在中国身上,用放大镜来看待中国在网络领域的一切行为。这些人但凡发现了任何蛛丝马迹,就觉得足以证明自己先入为主的判断。从技术层面来看,这样的蛛丝马迹比比皆是,但并不代表网络攻击源自中国,更不能代表这些行为受到中国政府的支持。

笔者曾经长期跟踪美国针对中国网络攻击行为的公开溯源。如果有1000个网络攻击指责的话,最后美国能拿出点证据的不超过5个,且不说这些所谓的证据是否可靠。例如,大选前美国多个政府部门跳出来指责中国通过网络干预美国大选,结果没有发现任何证据,美国政府又不得不出面声明之前的指责是错误的。如果认真梳理的话,类似事件层出不穷。这种无端指责对中国在网络领域的形象造成巨大伤害。

美国之所以在错误的道路上越走越远,从拜登政府对负责网络安全事务官员的任命上就可以看出端倪。例如,在白宫负责网络与新兴技术的总统国家安全事务副助理安妮·纽伯格此前担任国家安全局网络安全署主任兼首席风险官;国家网络安全总监英格力斯此前担任过国家安全局副局长;国土安全部下属的网络安全和基础设施安全局局长伊斯特利系前国家安全局网络安全署主任。此外,国家安全局网络安全总监罗伯特·乔伊斯此前在国家安全委员会任职,2017年3月至2018年5月期间担任网络安全协调员和总统特别助理。这一批来自国家安全局的官员全面接管美国网络安全政策的后果,就是美国的网络政策更加强调进攻性,更加注重对抗性,更加追求绝对的网络安全,而发展、对话和合作的理念被丢到了一边。

奥巴马政府时期,高度重视对网络安全问题与科技发展、国际合作等问题的协调,要求情报机构在采取行动时严格遵循相应的规范。这样的态度在特朗普政府被完全废除。到了拜登政府时期,国安系的官员全面上位,可以预见,拜登政府对复杂网络议题的协调难度将进一步加大,部门利益凌驾于国家利益之上将会常态化。(作者是上海国际问题研究院网络空间国际治理研究中心秘书长,研究员)
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