A Chance for a Tough Alliance against China: The Positions of Japan and Germany’s New Leaders

Published in Nihon Keizai Shimbun (Nikkei)
(Japan) on 6 October 2021
by Mikio Sugeno (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Eric Stimson. Edited by Gillian Palmer.
In a little under a week, two major countries successively have chosen new leaders. Fumio Kishida became the 100th prime minister on Oct. 4 after winning the Liberal Democratic Party leadership election, while on Sept. 26, Olaf Scholtz, head of the center-left Social Democratic Party, came in first in Germany’s parliamentary election.

Kishida, who succeeds former Prime Minister Yoshihide Suga, who stepped down after a year, faces elections to the House of Representatives at the end of October. Scholtz is closest to succeeding Angela Merkel, who is retiring after 16 years of service, but faces the hurdle of coalition talks with the mid-sized Green and Free Democratic Parties.

One can say that the futures of Japan and Germany, the third- and fourth-largest economies after America and China, are essentially being entrusted to these two men. The U.S. administration of Joe Biden is grappling with the aftermath of his bungled military pullout from Afghanistan and internal turmoil. As tremors become visible in the Japanese-American-European alliance, it is questionable whether a fresh start can be made to strengthen cooperation.

The 4 Great Economies Make Rectifying Inequality a Policy Pillar

Two auxiliary lines indicative of global trends can be drawn from the stances of the Biden administration, which launched in January, and Japan and Germany’s new leaders. One is the perspective of rectifying inequality.

Biden promoted “Build Back Better,” but his recent slogan is “Fair Share.” “50 major corporations in America … pays zero? Come on. Come on. It’s just wrong. It’s just not fair.” On Sept. 24, he complained that he was “tired of trickle-down,” the idea that benefits dribble down from the rich to the lower class.

“Without distribution, there will be no future growth.” Kishida’s main policy objective sounds like he misheard the former opposition party’s line. He also trumpets the difference between himself and Shinzo Abe’s government: he is considering hiking the flat 20% tax on stock transfers and dividends.

Scholtz’s SPD also draws a line between themselves and the business-friendly Merkel era with their policy pillar of addressing inequality by raising taxes on the upper class. Keeping in mind those who worry about not being able to pay the rent, he pledges to realize an “affordable lifestyle.”

Even in Communist China, President Xi Jinping speaks of “common prosperity.” This is a forceful tactic of sucking up the wealth from giant corporations and high earners and redistributing it to low earners.

The worldwide COVID-19 pandemic has deepened the gulf between the poverty-stricken lower class and the upper class blessed with capital. This inequality, which magnifies the people’s discontent, can be ignored no longer. That trend has become fixed.

But without the economic growth that produces wealth, there is no scope for redistribution. Somewhat frivolous debates also provoke unease.

A Rising Sense of Alarm About China

The other clear auxiliary line is a rising sense of alarm about a China whose authoritarian tones have gotten darker.

“Chinese-American relations are the tensest they’ve been in 15 years. From security to the economy to technological competition, worsening is apparent in every field. Even with climate change, an agreement is really difficult, and that had been viewed as having room for compromise,” says Zack Cooper of the American Enterprise Institute in the U.S.*

In Japan and Germany as well, the Chinese menace is expanding in the arenas of security and economic competition. Constanze Stelzenmueller of the Brookings Institution’s Center on the United States and Europe points out that “both the Greens and the FDP are critical of Merkel’s China policy, and even in big parties like the SDP, many people are of the same opinion.”*

Volker Stanzel, who served as German ambassador to China and Japan, predicts that “Germany’s China policy will greatly change and Chinese retaliation will probably also be more severe.” Mindful of criticism of human rights violations against minorities in China’s Xinjiang Uighur Autonomous Region, he thinks it is possible that the next government will move to strengthen laws and penalties mandating that companies confirm that their partners protect human rights. He says that Chinese acquaintances are pinging him over the phone about the Greens’ intended China policy.

Kishida heard from Xi in his first phone call that “China and Japan are separated by a narrow belt of water,” but in a phone consultation with Biden, Kishida affirmed his cooperation with “peace and stability in the Indo-Pacific.” Mindful of the Chinese threat, he has created the post of Minister of Economic Security and plans to name a cabinet secretary in charge of human rights. Kishida cannot adopt a wishy-washy attitude either.

A Sense of Disappointment in America Spreads Among Allies

The Biden administration began by emphasizing its alliances with Europe, but now faces difficulties. Discord has spread over the lack of information-sharing around the American military’s withdrawal from Afghanistan and the cancellation of France’s submarine provision plan with Australia due to its coordination with America and Britain. Cooper tells me that “disappointment in America is spreading among allies who expected a change from the [Donald] Trump administration.”*

Biden’s billboard policies — huge infrastructure expenditures, support for living expenses and child care — are having a hard time getting passed, and the downward trend in the administration’s approval ratings continues. China has applied to join the Trans-Pacific Partnership that America left, and Chinese warplanes make more threatening flights in the Taiwan area. These actions are getting a feel for the footing of a turbulent America and its allies.

The Biden administration has begun seeking dialogues with China over trade and security. But aiming for a breakthrough by bilateral talks is not a wise plan.

“Germany will host the Group of Seven summit in 2022. I expect a G-7 resolution that tops this year’s on the Taiwan Strait.”* Ryan Hass, who was tasked with China policy under Barack Obama’s administration and is now with the Brookings Institution, supports containment of China through multilateral cooperation. The governments of Japan and Germany’s new leaders may provide a chance to rebuild an alliance that acts tough with China.

*Editor's Note: These statements, though accurately translated, could not be verified.


わずか1週間余りのうちに、2つの主要国で新しいリーダーが相次ぎ選ばれた。自民党総裁選に勝った岸田文雄氏が4日に第100代の首相に就き、9月26日のドイツ連邦議会選挙で中道左派、ドイツ社会民主党(SPD)のショルツ党首が第1党を獲得した。

1年で退く菅義偉前首相を継いだ岸田氏は10月末の衆院選に臨む。在任16年で引退するメルケル首相の後継に最も近いショルツ氏には連立政権の樹立に向けた緑の党、自由民主党の中堅両政党との協議がなお関門となる。

経済規模で米国と中国に続く3、4位の日本とドイツの将来は、この2人に基本的に託されたといえる。米バイデン政権はアフガニスタンからの米軍撤収の不手際が尾を引き、内政の混乱に悩む。日米欧の同盟関係に揺らぎもみえるなか、協調強化へ再出発を果たせるのかが問われる。

4大経済国、格差是正を政策の柱に

1月発足のバイデン政権と日独の新リーダーの姿勢から、世界の潮流を示す2本の補助線が引ける。第1に格差是正という観点だ。

「より良き再建」を掲げたバイデン大統領の最近の口癖は「Fair Share(公正な負担)」だ。「米国を代表する50の企業が支払う法人税がゼロだって? それはない。明らかに間違っている。フェアじゃない」。9月24日、大統領は富める者から低所得者に恩恵がしたたり落ちる「トリクルダウン」の考えに「うんざりする」とこぼした。

「分配なくして次の成長はない」。かつての野党の主張と聞き間違ったかのような岸田首相の政策の主眼だ。安倍晋三政権の「アベノミクス」との違いを打ち出し、株式譲渡益や配当に一律20%を適用する金融所得課税の「増税」も視野に入れる。

ビジネス寄りのメルケル時代と一線を画すショルツ氏のSPDも富裕層への課税強化などの格差是正を政策の柱とする。家賃が払えず生活に困る人を念頭に「支払い可能な暮らし」の実現を訴えた。

共産主義体制の中国ですら習近平(シー・ジンピン)国家主席が「共同富裕」を唱える。巨大企業や高所得者を標的にして富を吸い上げ、所得が少ない人々に配分するという強引な手法だ。

新型コロナウイルスの地球規模での感染拡大は、困窮する低所得層と、資産に恵まれた富裕層との溝を一段と深めた。国民の不満を増幅する格差はもはや放置できない。そんな流れが定着した。

だが富を生む経済成長がなければ、分配の余地もなくなる。やや浮ついた議論には不安も残る。

高まる中国への警戒感

もうひとつ、鮮明となる第2の補助線は、強権の色合いを濃くする中国への警戒感の高まりだ。

「米中関係の緊張は最近15年で最も激しい。安全保障、経済、技術競争と、あらゆる面で悪化が目立つ。歩み寄りの余地があるとみられた気候変動ですら合意は本当に困難だ」。米アメリカン・エンタープライズ研究所のザック・クーパー氏はこう指摘する。

日本とドイツでも、中国の安全保障や経済競争面での脅威は拡大している。米ブルッキングス研究所米欧センターのコンスタンツェ・シュテルツェンミュラー氏は「緑の党も自由民主党もメルケル氏の対中政策に批判的で、SPDなど大政党でも多くの人が同じ意見だ」と指摘する。

中国と日本でドイツ大使を務めたフォルカー・シュタンツェル氏は「ドイツの対中政策は大きく変化し、中国の反撃も激しくなるだろう」と予測する。中国の新疆ウイグル自治区での少数民族への人権侵害批判を念頭に、取引相手の人権保護の確認を企業に義務付けた法律や罰則の強化に次期政権が動く可能性を指摘する。中国の知人から「緑の党はどんな対中政策をしたいのか」と電話で問い合わせが飛び込むのだという。

「中日両国は一衣帯水の関係だ」。習国家主席から祝電を受けた岸田首相だが、バイデン米大統領との電話協議で「インド太平洋の平和と安定」へ協力を確認した。中国の脅威を念頭に経済安全保障相を新設し、人権担当の首相補佐官を置く構えだ。岸田氏も、あいまいな態度はとれない。

同盟国に広がる米国への失望感

発足当初から欧州との同盟重視を掲げたバイデン政権は苦難に直面している。アフガンからの米軍撤収を巡る情報共有の不備、米英と連携したオーストラリアによるフランスとの潜水艦配備計画の破棄などで不協和音が広がった。「トランプ政権からの一変を期待した同盟国には米国への失望が広がっている」とクーパー氏は語る。

バイデン氏が看板政策とする巨額のインフラ投資や家計・子育て支援策は法案の可決に難航し、政権支持率は低下傾向が続いている。中国は米国が離脱した環太平洋経済連携協定(TPP)へ加盟を申請、台湾周辺では中国軍機が威嚇的な飛行を増やしている。混乱する米国と同盟国の足元をみているかのような動きだ。

バイデン政権は貿易や安全保障で中国との対話を探り始めている。だが2国間協議に頼って事態打開を目指すのは得策ではない。

「ドイツは2022年の主要7カ国首脳会議(G7サミット)の議長国だ。台湾海峡に言及した今年を上回るG7の結束が期待される」。オバマ政権で対中政策を担ったブルッキングス研究所のライアン・ハース氏は多国間協力による中国の封じ込めを説く。日本やドイツの新リーダーの体制は、中国に「こわもて」で臨む同盟関係を再構築する契機となりうる。
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