Biden’s Foreign Policy and the Danger of Putting Ideology 1st

Published in Asahi Shimbun
(Japan) on 27 December 2021
by Koji Sonoda (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Dani Long. Edited by Elizabeth Cosgriff.
- The withdrawal from Afghanistan exposed problems in Joe Biden’s foreign policy and showed how the national security team is inadequate.
- The Summit for Democracy, which divided the world into two philosophical camps of “democracy vs. authoritarianism,” had harmful effects.
- Not everything can be solved through compliance with the United States. Japan must speak up for its own national interests.

White House press secretary Jen Psaki is always able to readily answer even difficult questions. However, at the Dec. 14 press conference, there was a question that she could not answer: “What does the administration consider its biggest achievement in foreign policy in this first year?”

Psaki deflected the question by responding, “This is a great question. I want to be thoughtful about it. I want to talk to the president about it, and I’m happy to do that.”

At his inaugural address this past January, President Biden proudly proclaimed that “America is back.”* Since then, however, foreign policy in his administration has drifted off course.

First, there was the withdrawal of U.S. troops from Afghanistan. Although the evacuation of U.S. troops after 20 years of attacks caused concern among European nations, the withdrawal was forcibly carried out and Ashraf Ghani’s administration quickly collapsed. As part of AUKUS (a trilateral security pact between the U.S., the U.K. and Australia), the U.S. will make nuclear submarine technology available to Australia. After reaching this agreement, Australia canceled a submarine deal with France. France is furious and Southeast Asian countries worry that this will “accelerate an arms race.”

The Biden administration was expected to depart from the Trump administration’s policy of prioritizing U.S. self-interest, and instead return to cooperating with friends and allies. How did we arrive at the present situation?

Among U.S. government officials, it is whispered that the national security team supporting the president is not up to the task. Unlike the previous administration, the Biden administration does have security specialists. The Biden administration was said to have "the best and brightest," led by Jake Sullivan, who was appointed as national security advisor at the age of 44. However, Brett Bruen, who worked with Sullivan as a senior member of the White House during the Obama administration, said that Sullivan knows the theory but lacks practical experience. Of Secretary of State Antony Blinken, Bruen points out that he is a yes man due to his time as an aide. “In a case like this, you absolutely have to find a way to manage up and explain the real risks to pursuing the preferred presidential path. Instead of just going along, the national security advisor needs to lay out safer options that could accomplish the same stated goals,”** he said.

Biden himself has been involved in foreign policy for many years, both as chair of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee and as vice president of the United States. However, it does not seem like this experience is being put to good use.

Judging by his words and actions related to foreign policy, Biden is committed to the ideals of democracy and human rights. The Summit for Democracy was held as a result of this commitment. The summit provided an opportunity for publicity for authoritarian leaders such as President Rodrigo Duterte of the Philippines and President Jair Bolsonaro of Brazil. It is said that a diplomat from an invited country expressed doubts that there will be a second summit next year. The strategy behind the summit was to create a loose alliance in order to contain the influence of China and Russia. But because the idea of democracy was the justification for the summit, the majority of Middle Eastern nations were excluded, which had the effect of nudging them closer to China and Russia.

Unlike the Trump administration, which engaged in transactional diplomacy with authoritarian nations, the binary democracy vs. tyranny approach of the Biden administration runs the risk of dividing the world into two factions. After all, the only aim is to change the political systems of other countries. China is a major part of the world economy. Unlike the Soviet Union of the Cold War era, it is difficult to imagine the dominance of Communist Party-controlled China suddenly collapsing.

In the chaos of the withdrawal from Afghanistan, an image of Biden as a weak president has taken root and his approval rating continues to fall. According to the most recent polls, Biden’s approval rating has dropped to 38%. Compared to Japan’s Cabinet approval rating, the U.S. president’s approval is high. Biden’s low approval rating is similar to that of President Donald Trump, which remained around 40%. These low approval ratings are unusual for U.S. presidents.

Biden is 79 years old. The opinion that “it would be a joke to seek a second term”*** (from a Clinton-era government official) is widespread. The approval rating for Vice President Kamala Harris, who was expected to succeed Biden, is a dismal 28%. The unpopularity of the Biden administration adds to the sense of uncertainty regarding its continuation and creates a vicious cycle that makes allies apprehensive. A veteran U.S. diplomat said, “If the policies set by the administration continue in this way, its credibility is in tatters.”*** He says there is talk that likens Biden’s administration to that of the Carter administration, which promoted human rights issues but ended after the first term.

Ostensibly, the Biden administration is setting a course for international cooperation. Compared to the Trump administration, Biden’s should be easier for allies to work with. Bruen said, “Biden has the ability to be a leader for other countries and to build friendly relationships,”*** and expressed hope that changes to the current national security team could alter trends in foreign policy.

As the conflict between the U.S. and China intensifies, the Biden administration has positioned Japan as its most strategic ally. For Japan, there is no argument that the U.S. is the most important ally when it comes to our national security. However, the unipolar system in which the United States has exerted excessive international leadership is ending. We are no longer in a time in which all problems can be solved by following America’s lead. The U.S. is recognizing that it cannot maintain hegemony if it wants support from allies. It can be said that the position of those allies is becoming stronger.

Regarding the tense situation in Taiwan, U.S. military officials hypothesize that rather than Taiwan, the Japanese archipelago, which houses several U.S. military bases, will be the target of attack by China. For obvious reasons, this is directly related to Japan’s national interest. While Japan is closely cooperating with the U.S. about strategy regarding China, we should also calmly analyze the situation in the United States and speak up if we judge that the policies of the administration differ from Japan’s national interest.


*Editor’s note: This comment could not be independently verified as being part of Biden’s inaugural address.

**Editor’s note: This reference to and comments about Antony Blinken could not be independently verified.

***Editor’s note: This quote, accurately translated, could not be independently verified.




・バイデン外交は国家安全保障チームが機能不全。アフガン撤退で問題が露呈した

 ・理念先行型で世界を「民主主義対専制主義」に二分したサミットは弊害を招いた

 ・対米追従では全てを解決できない。日本は国益を考えながら声を上げる必要がある

     ◇

 米ホワイトハウスのサキ大統領報道官は、いつもどんな難しい質問にもすらすらと応じる。だが12月14日の記者会見では即答できない問いがあった。

 「バイデン政権が最初の1年間で成し遂げた、最も大きな外交上の業績は何ですか?」

 「よく考え、大統領と話したい」

 1月の政権発足時、国際社会に「アメリカは戻ってきた」と高らかに宣言したバイデン大統領だが、外交は迷走している。

     *

 始まりはアフガニスタンからの米軍撤退だった。米同時多発テロ20年という期限ありきの撤退に欧州諸国から強い懸念が寄せられたが、強引に実行し、ガニ政権は崩壊した。米英豪の安全保障の枠組み「AUKUS」では、米国が原潜技術を豪州に提供することで仏豪間の潜水艦建造契約が破棄されて仏が激怒し、東南アジア諸国も「軍拡競争の加速」を危ぶむ。

 日本もひとごとではない。米国が欧州連合(EU)に課した鉄鋼関税の見直しを明らかにした際、同様の追加関税が課されている日本に相談はなかった。ワシントンのある外交官は「全く事前通告がない。同盟重視は本物かと各国から不満が出ている」と明かす。

 バイデン政権は、トランプ前政権の自国利益最優先から、同盟国・友好国との連携へと回帰したはずだった。なぜこのような事態に至ったのか。

 米政府関係者の間でささやかれているのが、大統領を支える国家安全保障チームの機能不全だ。バイデン政権は前政権と異なり、安全保障の専門家を配置。44歳で大統領補佐官(国家安全保障担当)に抜擢(ばってき)されたサリバン氏を筆頭に「ベスト・アンド・ブライテスト(最も聡明〈そうめい〉な人々)がそろった」と言われた。しかし、オバマ政権でホワイトハウスの上級職としてサリバン氏と一緒に働いたブレット・ブルエン氏は、サリバン氏やブリンケン国務長官について(1)理論に詳しいが実地経験は不足(2)側近ゆえのイエスマン体質――を指摘する。「彼らの本当に重要な役割は大統領の好む政策を支えることではなく、大統領を大きな困難から回避させることだ」と語る。それができなかった典型例がアフガン撤退だった。

     *

 バイデン氏本人も上院外交委員長や副大統領を務め、長年にわたり外交に携わってきた。しかし、経験は生かされるどころか逆に作用しているようにも見える。

 外交政策に関するバイデン氏の言動で変わらないのは民主主義や人権問題へのこだわりだ。その思い入れをもとに開かれた「民主主義サミット」ではフィリピンのドゥテルテ大統領やブラジルのボルソナーロ大統領ら強権的リーダーを招待して彼らに宣伝の機会を与えてしまい、「来年、2回目が開けるのか疑問だ」(招待国の外交官)と言われる。中ロの封じ込めのために緩やかな連合を作るという戦略でもあったが、民主主義を大義名分にしたため中東諸国の大半を除外するなど徹底されず、逆に除外された中ロの結束を促す結果となった。

 「民主主義対専制主義」という理念先行型の外交は、ディール(取引)外交を権威主義国家を相手にも繰り広げたトランプ前大統領とは異なり、世界を二分する危うさを抱える。行き着く先は相手国の体制転換しかない。しかし冷戦時のソ連と異なり、世界経済を牽引(けんいん)する中国の共産党支配がにわかに崩壊するとは考えづらい。

     *

 アフガン撤退の大混乱で「弱い大統領」というイメージが定着し、バイデン氏の支持率の低下が止まらない。直近の世論調査では38%に落ち込んだ。米国大統領の支持率は、日本の内閣支持率と比べて高い水準で推移する。バイデン氏の低支持率は、40%前後で推移したトランプ氏と同様に異例だ。

 バイデン氏は79歳。民主党内で「2期目を目指すなんて冗談だ」(元クリントン政権高官)という冷めた見方が広がる。後継に期待されたハリス副大統領の支持率も28%と振るわない。バイデン政権の不人気は政権継続への不透明感を強め、同盟国に不安を与える悪循環をもたらす。あるベテラン外交官は「米政権の打ち出す政策が本当に続くのか、信頼性が落ちている」と明かし、人権外交を進めながら1期で終わった民主党のカーター政権になぞらえる議論も出ている、と語る。

 とはいえ、バイデン政権は少なくとも表では国際協調路線を打ち出している。トランプ前政権に比べれば、同盟国にとっては連携しやすい相手のはずだ。前出のブルエン氏は「バイデン氏は相手国の指導者と親密な関係を築く能力を持っている」と語り、現在の国家安全保障チームを刷新すれば外交の流れを変えられる、と期待感を示す。

 米中対立が先鋭化し、バイデン政権は日本を対中戦略上、最も頼りになる同盟国と位置づけている。日本にとっても米国が安全保障上、最も重要な同盟国であることは論をまたない。ただし、米国が過剰なまでの国際的指導力を発揮した一極体制は終わりつつあり、対米追従で全ての問題が解決に導かれる時代ではなくなった。米国自身も、同盟国からの支持を得なければ覇権を維持できないことに気づいている。同盟国の立場は強くなっているとも言える。

 緊迫化する台湾情勢について言えば、米国の軍事関係者の間で中国の攻撃対象に想定されているのは、米軍基地のある日本列島であり、日本の国益に直結する。日本としては対中戦略で米国と緊密に連携しながらも、米国内情勢を冷静に分析し、米政権の目指す政策が日本の国益と違うと判断すれば、声を上げることが必要だろう。
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