2022 Outlook for US-China Relations

Published in UDN
(Taiwan) on 16 January 2022
by Philip Yang (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Jennifer Sampson. Edited by Elizabeth Cosgriff.
On Jan. 13, the Taipei Forum Foundation held a lecture, “The Outlook for U.S.-China Relations in 2022,” which I hosted and moderated. The Foundation invited Academia Sinica Distinguished Research Fellow Yu-Shan Wu to give a presentation. Professor Wu pointed out that in the current international situation, the U.S., a maritime superpower, is gathering allies to resist the alliance of China and Russia, which are essentially land powers. A second Cold War is underway. In Eastern Europe and East Asia, the U.S. is constructing two new Great Walls with NATO’s eastward expansion to Russia’s doorstep in Eastern Europe, and with the first island chain in East Asia that serves as a line of defense from which to contain mainland China. Ukraine and Taiwan are on the front lines of the conflict.

Professor Wu believes that while China and Russia are strengthening strategic cooperation, the U.S. is trying to link the eastern and western front lines in a strategy of coordinating its allies. The two Great Walls lie on the strategic fault lines where maritime and land powers collide. Taiwan and Ukraine are located in the most dangerous places lying between these areas of confrontation. While Ukraine has the advantage of having a sizable territory, Taiwan does not and so must be more cautious in handling cross-strait relations.

Professor Wu pointed out that cross-strait relations are already tense, based on the fact that the military has repeatedly engaged in street warfare exercises. I added that before there is urban warfare, I think there will be economic and political collapse, and the military’s line of defense will be broken. When the enemy is in the backyard, urban warfare will be the countermeasure. I also pointed out that in the face of the Russian military approaching Ukraine, the U.S. has said it will not deploy troops, which has made the U.S. strategy of strategic ambiguity toward Taiwan even more uncertain.

Since the Cold War ended, the U.S. has used its huge economic and military power to completely dominate the current international order. However, as the theory of imperialistic expansion indicates, when the U.S. is no longer able to retain total control, it must retreat from its farthest reaches. The withdrawal from Afghanistan and retreat from the Middle East are strategically necessary, and the U.S. has pivoted to an Indo-Pacific policy in dealing with China. From diplomacy with its allies and military alliances to ideology, the U.S. is creating the framework for a second Cold War to contain challenges from China.

Donald Trump and the Republican-controlled government did not want another confrontation with Russia in Eastern Europe. However, Joe Biden and a Democratic-controlled government have imposed sanctions on Russia for interfering in U.S. elections. In addition, since President Volodymyr Zelenskiy took office in 2019, he has taken firm action in Eastern Ukraine and strengthened military cooperation and increased military exercises with the U.S. in hopes of obtaining American support for Ukraine’s admission to NATO. President Vladimir Putin says this would give Russia no place to retreat and has requested draft security agreements and bilateral talks with the U.S.

For the U.S., 2022 began with bilateral talks with Russia and a boycott of the Beijing Winter Olympics*. As battle lines are drawn between the East and West, America’s ability to coordinate with its allies and develop strategies is being tested. Regarding its China policy, Kurt Campbell, the coordinator for Indo-Pacific Affairs on the National Security Council, gave two talks in D.C. at the beginning of January. Although he reiterated that the “One China” policy has not changed, he pointed out that China is a revisionist power that is attempting to change the system for its own benefit. He also confirmed that he would propose an Indo-Pacific economic framework as an economic strategy in the Indo-Pacific region.

This year, the U.S. should handle its relationship with China by consolidating opposing forces and by working to decrease tension. On the one hand, it will consolidate a cold war framework and integrate its policies with its allies. Based on the recent “two-plus-two” talks between the U.S. and Japan, as well as the Japan-Australia Reciprocal Access Agreement, U.S. allies in the Indo-Pacific are strengthening their efforts at bilateral defense and security cooperation. On the other hand, the U.S. will promote four U.S.-China working groups to address trade negotiations, climate change, strategic security and military considerations. If it can launch them in the first half of the year, the U.S. and China can keep their disagreements from becoming destructive.

Furthermore, at the end of last year, the U.S. passed this year’s National Defense Authorization Act, which includes $7.1 billion for the Pacific Deterrence Initiative. It also recommends that the Department of Defense conduct military training and exercises with Taiwan, invite Taiwan to join the 2022 Rim of the Pacific Exercise, and strengthen Taiwan’s asymmetric warfare capabilities.

Thus, there are four questions to watch in U.S.-China relations during the first half of the year: 1) Will the U.S. invite Taiwan to join the Rim of the Pacific Exercise? 2) Will the U.S. and China reduce tariffs and begin bilateral trade negotiations? 3) In addition to the trade group, will the other three working groups proposed in last year’s meeting between Presidents Biden and Xi Jinping be activated? 4) What Indo-Pacific Economic Framework will the U.S. propose?

Finally, three other external factors might influence U.S.-China relations this year: the changing situation in Ukraine, U.S. and global inflation, and North Korea. This year, because of the midterm elections in the U.S. and the 20th National Congress of the Chinese Communist Party, the U.S. and China will both focus temporarily on domestic politics and economics. However, a framework for confrontation has already been formed. With the changing situation in Ukraine, the U.S. continues to gather allies, and strategic cooperation between China and Russia is growing. As a new Cold War grows, this year’s international situation will remain unpredictable.

The author is the former deputy secretary-general of the Taiwan National Security Council and the executive director of the Taipei Forum Foundation.
*Editor's Note: Though the U.S. will not send an official delegation to the 2022 Winter Olympics in Beijing, U.S. athletes will be allowed to compete.







二○二二年美中關係展望

十三日台北論壇基金會舉辦「二○二二年美中關係展望」,邀請中央研究院吳玉山院士主講,筆者擔任主持人暨與談人。吳院士指出現行國際局勢,海洋霸權的美國整隊盟邦對抗陸權核心的中俄整合,第二次冷戰正進行中。美國在東歐與東亞分別建構兩條「新萬里長城」,在東歐透過北約東擴逼近俄羅斯家門,在東亞第一島鏈建構防線遏制中國大陸,烏克蘭與台灣都是衝突最前沿。

吳教授認為,在中俄加強戰略合作同時,美國嘗試將東西兩條戰線連成一條,藉以整隊盟邦協同戰略。這兩條新長城所處戰略斷層線,都是位於海洋強權與大陸強權碰撞地帶,台灣與烏克蘭則是這兩個碰撞最危險之地。相較於烏克蘭具領土縱深優勢,台灣並沒有廣袤領土,所以處理兩岸關係上應更謹慎。

吳教授指出,從國軍不斷強化訓練官兵「打巷戰」來看,兩岸關係已到相當緊張地步。我補充認為城鎮戰發生前提是經濟、政治崩解,及軍事防線遭突破,敵人已進入家園時的反制作為。我也指出美國面臨俄國兵臨城下烏克蘭,卻說不會出兵,使得美國對台戰略模糊政策更加模糊。

冷戰結束迄今,美國以其強大經濟與軍事力量,絕對主導當前國際秩序。但正如帝國擴張理論指出,美國權力無法持續全面掌控時,必須先從末梢撤退;阿富汗撤軍與退出中東就是戰略必然。美國轉向針對中國大陸的印太戰略,從外交盟邦、軍事聯盟到意識形態,建構遏制中國挑戰的新冷戰框架。

川普共和黨政府其實不希望在東歐與俄羅斯再起對抗,但是拜登民主黨政府對於俄羅斯介入美國選舉採取制裁,加上烏克蘭澤倫斯基總統二○一九年上台後,對烏東採取強硬作為,加強與美國軍事合作與演習,希望換取美國支持烏克蘭加入北約,普亭說這使得俄羅斯無處可退,提安全保障草案要求,並展開美俄雙邊談判。

對美國言,二○二二年在美俄談判與抵制北京冬奧展開,東西戰線同時進行,考驗美國整隊盟邦與戰略布局能力。在對中政策,美國安會印太協調官坎貝爾本月初在華府兩次演講,雖然重申「一個中國」政策不變,但他指出中國大陸是「修正主義大國」,企圖改變體系為其所用,並確認會在今年提出「印太經濟框架協議」作為印太戰略經濟手段。

今年美國處理中美關係應該是「對抗鞏固、工作降溫」,一方面鞏固冷戰框架、整隊盟邦政策,從近期美日二加二對話與日澳互惠准入協定,美國印太盟邦在強化雙邊防務與安全合作。另一方面透過四個中美工作組的推動,包含貿易談判、氣候變遷、戰略穩定、軍事對話,如果這些都能在上半年啟動,則中美間仍能維持鬥而不破局面。

此外,美國去年底通過今年度《國防授權法》,包括七十一億美元資金擴大「太平洋嚇阻倡議」,並建議國防部與台灣進行實地訓練與軍事演習,包括邀請台灣參加二○二二年環太平洋軍演,並強化台灣不對稱戰力。

因此,今年上半年中美關係四個觀察點分別是:一,美國是否邀台參與環太平洋軍演?二,中美是否降關稅,雙邊貿易談判是否展開?三,除了貿易,去年「拜習會」提到的另外三個工作組會不會啟動?四,美國提出「印太經濟框架」內容為何?

最後,另有三個外部因素可能影響今年中美關係,即烏克蘭情勢變化、美國與全球通膨、北韓因素。今年因美國期中選舉與中共廿大,中美暫以內政經濟為主,但對抗架構已然形成;加上烏克蘭情勢變化,美國持續整隊盟邦,中俄戰略合作加深,新冷戰在擴大中,今年國際局勢仍然詭譎多變。(作者為國安會前副秘書長、台北論壇基金會執行長)

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