Mexico-USA: Urgent Need for a Migration Agreement

Published in El País
(Spain) on 9 May 2022
by (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Sergio Ferreras. Edited by Laurence Bouvard.
The tragedy of immigration forces the two countries to abandon their agendas and seek an agreement to regularize it.

The bilateral agenda of Mexico and the United States contains many urgent matters, but none of them affects the daily relationship between the two countries as migration does. The border crisis, in which the U.S. authorities detain more than 7,000 people every day, has raised tensions with both the Joe Biden administration and Republican governors in favor of militarizing border controls. The situation has become unsustainable, making Washington want to establish a policy without further delay, for which they need Mexico. And if Donald Trump did it through imposition, Biden wants to negotiate a solution with his counterpart, Andrés Manuel López Obrador.

Reaching an agreement is not going to be easy because of hesitation by the White House, among other things. The Democratic government planned to withdraw what is known as Title 42 by the end of May. This regulation was approved by Trump in the midst of the pandemic to allow fast deportations, using health as an excuse. Republicans have used migratory pressure to try to discredit Biden and threaten to snatch Congress from the Democrats, but Biden himself is in favor of keeping that tool.

At the same time, López Obrador faces this phenomenon as a series of issues with the U.S. administration, ranging from security pressures to questions about his energy policy. In recent days, the two presidents spoke by telephone and Secretary of State Antony Blinken received a visit from Secretary of Foreign Affairs Marcelo Ebrard. They agreed on a joint plan to provide job opportunities in Central America to tackle the structural causes of migration.

On Thursday, the Mexican president traveled to the northern triangle of the region from where most of the migrants come. He did so with the promise of strengthening the protection of the southern border, knowing that everything that happens there ends up having an impact sooner or later on the northern one. But before the visit, López Obrador also accused the United States of sending millions of dollars in aid to Ukraine while still not authorizing an investment of $4 billion in Central America. The message was probably aimed more at his supporters than at serving a diplomatic strategy. But the daily drama that the migration crisis means for hundreds of thousands of people forces both Mexico and the United States to put aside their internal agendas in order to reach an agreement.


México-EE UU: urge un acuerdo migratorio

El drama de la inmigración obliga a los dos países a abandonar sus respectivas agendas internas y afrontar un pacto que la regule


La agenda bilateral de México y Estados Unidos está hecha de muchas urgencias, pero ninguna como la migración determina la relación cotidiana entre los dos países. La crisis en la frontera, donde las autoridades estadounidenses detienen a más de 7.000 personas cada día, ha tensado el diálogo tanto con la Administración de Joe Biden como con los gobernadores republicanos partidarios de la militarización de los controles. La situación se ha hecho insostenible y aboca a Washington a definir sin más dilación un marco regulatorio, para lo cual necesita a México. Y si Donald Trump lo hizo por la vía de la imposición, Biden quiere negociar una solución con su homólogo, Andrés Manuel López Obrador.

Alcanzar un acuerdo no va a ser sencillo, empezando por los titubeos de la Casa Blanca. El Gobierno demócrata planeaba retirar a finales de mayo el llamado Título 42, una normativa aprobada por Trump en plena pandemia que permite deportaciones rápidas bajo pretextos sanitarios. Los republicanos han hecho de la presión migratoria una bandera para intentar desacreditar a Biden y amenazan con arrebatar el Congreso a los demócratas, pero Biden mismo ya se ha mostrado a favor de mantener esa herramienta.

Al mismo tiempo, López Obrador afronta este fenómeno con una serie de frentes abiertos con la Administración estadounidense. Unos asuntos que él considera como agravios y que van de las presiones en materia de seguridad a los cuestionamientos a su política energética. En los últimos días, los dos mandatarios hablaron por teléfono y el secretario de Estado Antony Blinken recibió la visita del canciller Marcelo Ebrard. Pactaron un plan conjunto para ofrecer oportunidades de trabajo en Centroamérica y atajar así las auténticas causas estructurales de la migración.

Justo al triángulo norte de esa región, desde donde salen la mayoría de los migrantes a los que se suman decenas de miles de haitianos o cubanos, viajó el jueves el presidente mexicano. Lo hizo con la promesa de reforzar la protección de la frontera sur, a sabiendas de que todo lo que allí sucede acaba repercutiendo tarde o temprano en la frontera norte. Pero antes de la visita, López Obrador lanzó también un dardo a Estados Unidos, reprochándoles el envío de ayudas millonarias a Ucrania mientras aún no ha autorizado la inversión de 4.000 millones de dólares en Centroamérica. El mensaje iba probablemente más dirigido a sus propios simpatizantes que a ser útil en una estrategia diplomática. Pero el drama cotidiano que es la crisis migratoria para cientos de miles de personas obliga tanto a México como a Estados Unidos a aparcar sus agendas internas y acelerar un acuerdo.
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