US and Middle East: Be Part of a Peaceful Solution, Not More Division

Published in Asahi Shimbun
(Japan) on 18 July 2022
by (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Dani Long. Edited by Gillian Palmer.
President Joe Biden promised Middle Eastern leaders that the U.S. “will not walk away.” However, this promise runs contrary to the impression that U.S. influence in the region is declining.

Biden’s recent tour of the Middle East took him through countries such as Israel and Pakistan and ended with a visit to Saudi Arabia, where he met with many Arab leaders. This was Biden’s first visit to the Middle East since he took office a year and a half ago.

He had not set foot on Middle Eastern soil before this because the Biden administration had been focusing on issues in Asia. The number of troops in the Middle East has decreased due to the administration’s increased emphasis on national security against China.

In the background of this reentry into dialogue with Middle Eastern leaders is Russia’s war of aggression in Ukraine. Global energy prices and gasoline prices in the U.S. have skyrocketed. The reality is that with midterm elections looming in the near future, the Biden administration has chosen to quickly strengthen relations with oil-producing countries.

For that reason, it can be said that Saudi Arabia has the upper hand in entering discussions with Biden. It is not yet clear how Middle Eastern leaders, such as Saudi Arabia, will respond to the demand for increased production of crude oil.

On the other hand, Biden’s shift in his stance regarding human rights, which he should have emphasized in these discussions, was noticeable. His reconciliatory attitude toward Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, who is said to have ordered the killing of dissident reporters, has led to some criticism.

Although it is necessary to cooperate with oil-producing countries amid the current global economic turmoil, this is no excuse to forget the principles of human rights and democracy. Foreign relations in the U.S. have long been criticized as operating under a double standard, especially when it comes to Saudi Arabia.

Perhaps it is a reflection of the rushed nature of his visit, but Biden did not discuss any sort of comprehensive peace initiative with the Middle East. He said that the two-state solution between Israel and Palestine “is not ripe at this moment to restart negotiations,” and only offered financial support.

Palestine’s disappointment with his stance runs deep. Over the past few generations, over 5.6 million Palestinian refugees have been forced into poor living conditions. There is a fear that the U.S. administration's stance toward Israel, which continues to violate international law, will further increase the sense of isolation and despair.

Biden urges cooperation with Arab countries, emphasizing Israeli security. While it is desirable to ease the conflict between nations in the region, the only apparent tactic is the idea of creating a siege network with Iran as a “common threat,” a similar tactic to one that was seen during the former Trump administration.

In recent years, oil facilities and ships on the Arabian peninsula have been attacked, and sabotage of nuclear facilities and assassination of related parties have continued in Iran. Israel and Iran are also said to be in a “low-intensity conflict.”

If the U.S. pledges its involvement in Middle Eastern affairs, the administration should be thorough in creating a plan to prevent conflict and build peace, rather than increasing existing division and tension.


「われわれは立ち去らない」と米国が中東への関与を約束した。だが、言葉と裏腹に印象づけたのは、米国の影響力の低下と地域の分断だった。
 バイデン大統領がイスラエル、パレスチナ、サウジアラビアを歴訪し、サウジでは他のアラブ諸国首脳らとも会談した。就任1年半になるバイデン氏にとって初の中東訪問だった。
 これほど長く中東の地を踏まなかったのは、バイデン政権がアジア重視にかじを切ったからだ。中国への対抗に安全保障の軸足を置き、中東に展開する兵力も減らしてきた。
 それが一転、中東入りした背景はロシアの侵略戦争である。世界的にエネルギーが高騰し、米国内のガソリン価格も上昇した。秋の中間選挙をにらみ、急場しのぎに産油国との関係強化に動いたのが実情だろう。
 それだけに、サウジは優位の立場でバイデン氏を迎えたといえる。原油増産の求めに、サウジなど各国首脳がどれほど応じるかはまだはっきりしない。
逆に目立ったのは、人権重視を掲げたはずのバイデン氏の変化である。反体制記者の殺害を命じたともいわれるサウジ皇太子への融和的な態度が、一部で批判を招いている。
 世界経済が動揺するなか、産油国の協調取り付けは必要だとしても、人権や民主主義の原則を曲げる言い訳にはならない。とくにサウジをめぐり、米外交はかねて二重基準と非難されてきたことを忘れてなるまい。
 駆け足訪問を反映してか、バイデン氏は包括的な中東和平の構想を語らなかった。イスラエルとパレスチナが共存する「2国家解決」については「機が熟していない」とし、今回は経済支援の表明にとどまった。
 パレスチナの失望は深い。560万人を超すパレスチナ難民は、世代を超えて劣悪な暮らしを強いられている。国際法に反する占領を続けるイスラエルに寄り添う米政権の姿勢に、孤立感と絶望がいっそう高まることが危惧される。
 バイデン氏はイスラエルの安全保障を強調しつつ、アラブ諸国との協力を促した。地域の国々が対立を緩めること自体は望ましい。しかし、見えてきたのは、トランプ前政権と同様に、イランを「共通の脅威」として包囲網をつくる考え方だ。
 近年、アラビア半島で石油施設や船舶が攻撃され、イランでは核施設の破壊工作や関係者の暗殺などが続いている。イスラエルとイランは「低強度紛争」にあるともいわれる。
 米国が中東への関与を誓うなら、分断と緊張を高めるのではなく、紛争を防ぎ、和平を築く抜本的な構想を描くべきだ。
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