Both the US and China Want To Influence Taiwan’s Election

Published in Merit Times
(Taiwan) on 16 July 2023
by (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Jennifer Sampson. Edited by Michelle Bisson.
The American Institute in Taiwan Chair Laura Rosenberger has sworn in Taipei and Washington that the United States maintains a neutral position toward Taiwan’s presidential election. She has also stressed that the U.S. opposes other outside interference in the elections, meaning, of course, from the Chinese Communist Party. Anyone with discernment knows that while this has always been the official U.S. position, the U.S. wants to influence Taiwan’s elections just as much as China does.

In a whirlwind trip to Taiwan last month, Rosenberger visited three presidential candidates. When AIT held an Independence Day celebration in Taipei, not only did President Tsai Ing-wen attend, but so did these three candidates. Of them, currently Ko Wen-je is the only one to have visited the U.S., but Lai Ching-te and Hou You-yi are planning respective trips to America in August and September. An unwritten rule in Taiwan is that candidates must first “interview” with the U.S. It looks like this year there will be more than one interview.

On July 4, Lai, the Democratic Progressive Party nominee, wrote an opinion letter to The Wall Street Journal in which he announced the “four pillars” of his candidacy. He placed supporting the cross-strait status quo fourth and strengthening national defense first.

As a “pragmatic worker for Taiwanese independence,” Lai would of course declare his position to the U.S. to prevent any suspicion. His intentions could not be more obvious: American policy is to use Taiwan as a gateway for resisting China, and even as an arsenal on East Asia’s first island chain.

Not only has the U.S. increased its arms sales to Taiwan, but the DPP administration, under pressure from the U.S., decided to extend its compulsory military service for young people to one year. When Kuomintang nominee Hou simply mentioned that he would not rule out shortening the service period to four months, he immediately received American scrutiny and changed his tune. If you are looking for a country on Earth that is more concerned than the U.S. about another country’s compulsory service period, I’m afraid there is none.

Now Taiwan must not only prepare an enormous defense budget every year, but the time young people serve must be extended. And the risk that they will have to go to war at any time is even more likely. However, as everyone knows, this is a game of chess between the U.S. and China.

Secretary of State Antony Blinken had just finished his trip to Beijing when Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen arrived in China, and next, John Kerry, the climate ambassador, is preparing to travel to China. Even though Blinken and Yellen are high-level officials, China sent department directors from the Foreign Affairs Ministry and Finance Ministry to meet them at the airport. China was clearly trying to embarrass the U.S., and Blinken and Yellen could only accept the humiliation silently.

Before Yellen left on her trip, President Joe Biden publicly called China’s leader Xi Jinping a dictator, which drew strong protests from China. In the end, however, this did not affect Yellen’s itinerary, and she saw everyone she was scheduled to. Unlike Blinken on his trip, though, she did not meet Xi.

Yellen has been called Washington’s last dove, which Beijing is naturally aware of, especially since the trade volume between the U.S. and China reached a record $620 billion last year. As the economies of both countries are in a downturn, the two superpowers must hold the line at struggling but not escalating conflict.

The CCP wants to give the KMT credit for allowing Taiwanese sugar apple and milk fish exports to China. Similarly, Beijing naturally wants to influence Taiwan’s election. A relief for Beijing, Hou has finally voiced support for the “1992 consensus,” which has been a temporary calming force. How long it will remain effective, however, will be tested in the future.

The game between the U.S. and China is sometimes softball, sometimes hardball, sometimes hawkish, sometimes dovish — a struggle that does not escalate, all because each side wants to safeguard its own interests. Xi can tolerate Biden calling him a dictator, but Biden must likewise tolerate the CCP sending department directors to meet the plane. Both sides realize that in the current international situation, there is no “winner takes all” anymore.

The presidential election of the Republic of China falls on the chessboard in the game between the U.S. and China. It is both a chess piece and a chess player. Taiwan’s politicians and voters must recognize that both the U.S. and China want to influence this election. The candidates and electorate can similarly manipulate it so that they influence the two superpowers instead. Only when Washington and Beijing know that Taiwan does not just obediently follow orders can a three-way balance be established. And only then can the best interests of the Taiwanese be protected.


社論--美中都想影響台灣的選舉

美國在台協會主席羅森伯格接連在台北及華盛頓都信誓旦旦的表示美國對台灣的總統大選保持中立,但也強調美國反對其他外力干預台灣的選舉,當然意指中共。任一明眼人皆知此為美國一向的官方說法,美國企圖對台灣選舉的影響,絕對不下於中國大陸。

羅森伯格上月訪台,旋風式的拜訪了三位總統參選人;美國在台協會在台北舉辦的美國國慶活動,不僅蔡英文總統親臨,三位總統參選人同樣到齊。目前除了柯文哲已經訪問過美國外,賴清德和侯友宜也分別計畫八月和九月訪美。在台灣的不成文說法是,必須先經過美國「面試」,今年看來這個「面試」恐怕還不只一次。

民進黨總統選舉提名人賴清德選在美國國慶日投書《華爾街日報》,揭示他參選理念的「四大支柱」,他把支持兩岸現狀放在第四位,第一個則是強化國防嚇阻力量。

作為「務實的台獨工作者」,賴清德當然是向美國表態,避免美國也有「疑賴論」。其用意再明顯不過,美國的政策就是:將台灣當成抵抗中國大陸的門戶,甚至是美國在東亞第一島鏈的軍火庫。

美國不僅加強對台軍售,民進黨政府還在美國的壓力下決定延長台灣年輕人兵役為一年。國民黨提名人侯友宜才說了一句不排除將兵役回復到四個月,立即被美方關切,隨即改口。世界上若要找一個國家如此關切他國的兵役役期,除了美國,恐難再有。

現在台灣不僅每年要編列龐大的國防預算,甚至連年輕人原來節省下來的兵役時間,還得延長,更可能要面對隨時上戰場的風險。然而眾所皆知,這卻是美中博弈的棋局。

美國國務卿布林肯才結束訪問北京,財政部長葉倫就接著訪問大陸,再來還有美國氣候大使柯瑞也即將成行。布林肯和葉倫身為部長層級,但北京先後派外交部和財政部的司長去接機,擺明是要給美國難堪,布林肯和葉倫也只能忍氣吞聲。

美國總統拜登在葉倫出發前,還公開指大陸國家主席習近平是獨裁者,引起陸方強烈抗議,但終究沒有影響到葉倫的行程,該見的人也都見到,只是不像布林肯訪陸時最後還是見到習近平。

葉倫被形容是華府最後一個鴿派,北京自然清楚,尤其美中去年的貿易額更創下六千二百億美元的新紀錄,在兩國經濟都處於下行的現實下,「鬥而不破」必然是兩個強權要守住的底線。

就如中共要把開放台灣釋迦、虱目魚進口到大陸的功勞做給國民黨一般,北京想當然耳也會想影響台灣的大選;對北京而言,侯友宜終於鬆口支持「九二共識」,至少這支定海神針是暫時穩住,至於功效如何,則有待以後考驗。

美中博弈是軟中帶硬,硬中帶軟,時鷹時鴿,鬥而不破,何以如此,當然是在維護其自身的最大利益。北京可以忍下拜登批習近平是獨裁者,但華府同樣也要忍下中共只派個司長接機。因為雙方都明白,當今國際局勢,已經沒有贏者全拿的可能。

中華民國的總統大選,落在美中博弈的大棋盤裡,既是棋子,也是下棋的人。台灣的政治人物和選民,必須認知美國和大陸都想影響這次選舉,但參選人和選民同樣可以反向操作去影響兩個強權。唯有讓華府和北京知道台灣不是唯命是從時,才有可能達成三角平衡,此時才有保護台灣人民最大利益的可能
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