Former U.S. President Donald Trump was convicted on 34 counts of falsifying business records, making him the first former president of that country to be convicted of a felony. Sentencing, scheduled for July 11 pending no further delays, could range from probation to four years in prison. However, any sentence would not affect Trump’s right to be a candidate in the election and, if he wins, to return to lead the so-called beacon of democracy: The Constitution provides only that to be eligible for the office of president, a candidate must be at least 35 years old, be a natural born U.S. citizen, and have been a resident of the country for 14 years.
The Manhattan jury’s verdict has suddenly exposed a chain of deficiencies in the U.S. political electoral system, as well as the deep divisions running through that society. If Trump were to win the election and return to the White House, it would demonstrate how the institutions are unable to prevent a criminal from governing the country. Even more seriously, it would show that a majority of the population is in favor of being governed by someone who systematically breaks the law for his own personal gain. Another possibility is that, as in 2016, Trump might get fewer votes than his opponent but win the election, thanks to the U.S. Electoral College system. In this scenario, the world can see how the country’s determination to retain this process is overriding democracy in the superpower, leaving it at the mercy of demagogues rejected by the majority, but who are skilled at manipulating the loopholes of this 18th century relic.
Ironically in this case, Trump could probably be elected president, but he may be prevented from voting, since state legislatures control the right to vote. The law in Florida where Trump is registered to vote requires that someone convicted of a crime complete their sentence before the right to vote is restored. Thus, even a sentence of probation would prevent Trump from voting. More than just being an incidental matter of a candidate who can’t vote for himself, the situation more seriously reminds us of Republican state laws passed to exclude Black voters who have been disproportionately and arbitrarily targeted by the legal system. Another absurd aspect of this is that if Trump went to prison, Secret Service agents would go with him, as the law provides lifetime Secret Service protection of former presidents.
Nevertheless, the most troubling aspect of these events lies in the reaction of the broad sector of voters who support Trump unconditionally. In addition to the incivility and the propensity for violence Trump showed the judge, the jury and the prosecutor in social media posts, Trump’s followers show a deep mistrust of law enforcement and administration of justice in general, which is spreading to a whole range of institutions. While it may be natural for citizens to distrust the impartiality of the courts because of their poor performance and proven political biases — as is well known in Mexico — we can only explain the refusal to acknowledge Trump’s guilt in the face of overwhelming proof as a kind of mass delusion, a dissociation from reality that defies the evidence.
It is impossible to exaggerate the danger that threatens a country when dysfunctional institutions coexist with an unscrupulous leader whose behavior is clearly sociopathic, and a crowd inclined to follow him to the bitter end. And when the country where this is happening is the world’s greatest armed power, and also controls the global financial system, the risks do not stop at its borders: They threaten the entire international community.
El ex presidente de Estados Unidos, Donald Trump, fue declarado culpable de 34 cargos de falsificación de registros comerciales, con lo que se convirtió en el primer ex mandatario de ese paÃs en ser condenado por un delito grave. La sentencia, que será dictada el próximo 11 de julio si no se presentan nuevas dilaciones, podrÃa ir de libertad condicional a cuatro años de prisión, pero no afectarÃa el derecho del magnate a presentarse a las elecciones y, si resulta ganador, volver a dirigir al autodenominado faro de la democracia: la Constitución establece como únicos requisitos para contender por la Presidencia tener 35 años cumplidos, ser estadunidense de nacimiento y acumular 14 años de residencia efectiva en su territorio.
Una paradoja de esta situación es que probablemente Trump podrÃa ser elegido presidente, pero se le impedirÃa votar, ya que el derecho al voto es regulado por las legislaciones estatales y las leyes de Florida (donde está registrado) exigen que los convictos completen su sentencia para recuperar esta prerrogativa. De este modo, incluso una sentencia de libertad condicional lo inhabilitarÃa. Más allá del hecho anecdótico de que un candidato no pueda votar por sà mismo, el episodio adquiere relevancia como recordatorio de las normativas adoptadas por gobiernos estatales republicanos para excluir a la población negra, cuyos integrantes son judicializados de forma desproporcionada y arbitraria. Otro absurdo es que, de ser encarcelado, el ex presentador de televisión estarÃa acompañado en su celda por agentes del Servicio Secreto, obligado a resguardar a los ex presidentes en cualquier circunstancia.
No puede exagerarse el peligro que se cierne sobre una nación cuando la inoperancia institucional se conjuga con la existencia de un lÃder inescrupuloso de conductas claramente sociopáticas y una multitud dispuesta a seguirlo hasta las últimas consecuencias. Y cuando el paÃs donde ocurre todo esto es tanto la mayor potencia armada del planeta como la que controla el sistema financiero global, los riesgos no se quedan dentro de sus fronteras, sino que amenazan a toda la comunidad internacional.
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The message is unmistakable: there are no absolute guarantees and state sovereignty is conditional when it clashes with the interests of powerful states.
The message is unmistakable: there are no absolute guarantees and state sovereignty is conditional when it clashes with the interests of powerful states.