Another Crack in South Korea–US Relations: From Trade to Security

Published in JoongAng Ilbo
(South Korea) on 22 February 2026
by (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Ruthie Yarbrough. Edited by Michelle Bisson.
Tensions between South Korea and the United States extend beyond trade and now affecting the security sector. Specifically, cracks are emerging amid growing discord over the implementation of agreements in the 2025 joint fact sheet outlined by South Korean and U.S. leaders. Military authorities from both nations had planned to announce their joint exercise plan for “Freedom Shield,” scheduled for March, on Feb. 25. However, they have postponed the presentation due to differences over field training exercises. Reports indicate that while South Korea has adopted a stance in favor of minimizing field training exercises, the United States does not share this view.

It is concerning that the recent dissonance between South Korean and U.S. military leaders is bordering on dangerous. After United States Forces Korea failed to provide detailed explanations regarding U.S. fighter jet training over international waters in the Yellow Sea on Feb. 18-19, Defense Minister Ahn Gyu-back issued a rare complaint to its commander. Both inside and outside the military, many interpret this lack of communication as an expression of the United States’ dissatisfaction with South Korea’s passivity regarding joint military drills in the Yellow Sea and the nation’s placating approach toward North Korea. Under the leadership of South Korea’s Unification Ministry, a bill is currently being moved forward that pushes for the peaceful use of the demilitarized zone. However, the commander of the United Nations Command, who also serves as the commander of U.S. Forces Korea, has publicly expressed concern that this act could violate the Korean Armistice Agreement. Additionally, the United States is also skeptical of a proposal to reestablish a no-fly zone at the inter-Korean border in order to restore the Sept. 19 Military Agreement.

Amid these tensions, a U.S. delegation has yet to schedule a trip to South Korea to discuss nuclear submarine construction and uranium enrichment and reprocessing. These have been matters of great importance in South Korean and U.S. security talks.

This situation fundamentally stems from differing perceptions between South Korea and the United States regarding China and North Korea. Under the new National Security Strategy, the United States has made countering China and defending the mainland its top priorities. However, South Korea, wary of China, has remained cautious about expanding the strategic flexibility of U.S. Forces Korea. Additionally, there is also a somewhat predictable friction over North Korea. While the United States continues to impose additional sanctions on North Korea independent of negotiations, South Korea is pursuing a more conciliatory approach.

At last year’s summit meeting, President Lee Jae-myung said South Korea should be a “pacemaker” for peace on the Korean Peninsula. He explained that it was an unavoidable choice in light of security realities. For such efforts to succeed, it is imperative that South Korea and the United States work together closely in advance of any issues. We should not forget that conflict between our two nations will neither aid the Korean Peninsula’s push for peace nor strengthen South Korea’s security.


통상에 이어 안보 분야에서도 지난해 한·미 정상이 발표한 팩트시트의 합의 이행에 적신호가 켜졌다. 한·미 군당국은 3월 예정인 ‘자유의 방패’ 연습계획을 25일 공동 발표하려 했으나 야외 기동훈련을 둘러싼 이견으로 연기했다. 한국은 야외 기동훈련을 최소화하자는 입장이나 미국이 난색을 보인다고 한다.

우려할 점은 최근 한·미 군당국의 불협화음이 위험 수위를 넘나들고 있다는 것이다. 앞서 안규백 국방장관은 지난 18~19일 주한미군 전투기들의 서해 공해상 훈련과 관련해 구체적인 계획을 설명하지 않았다는 이유로 주한미군사령관에게 이례적으로 항의의 뜻을 전달했다. 군 안팎에선 이번 소통 부재가 서해 연합훈련에 대한 한국의 소극적 태도와 대북 유화 움직임에 대한 미 측의 불만 표시라는 해석이 많다. 실제 통일부 주도로 추진 중인 비무장지대의 평화적 이용에 관한 법률안(DMZ법)에 대해 유엔군사령부(주한미군사령관 겸직)는 정전협정 위반을 이유로 공개적으로 우려를 표시했다. 또 9·19 군사합의 복원을 위해 남북 접경지역에 비행금지구역을 재설정하자는 제안에도 미 측은 미온적이다.

이런 와중에 한·미 안보 합의의 핵심인 원자력잠수함 건조, 농축 및 재처리 등을 협의하기 위한 미 대표단의 방한 일정이 잡히지 않고 있다.

이런 사태는 기본적으로 중국·북한을 바라보는 한·미의 시각 차 때문이다. 미국은 새 국가안보전략(NSS)에 따라 중국 견제를 본토 방어와 함께 최우선 목표로 삼지만, 한국은 중국을 의식해 주한미군의 전략적 유연성 확대에 소극적이다. 북한 문제에서도 협상과 별개로 대북 추가 제재를 하는 미국과 유화 공세에 나선 한국 간 갈등은 예견된 측면이 있다.

이재명 대통령은 지난해 정상회담에서 한반도 평화를 위한 ‘페이스 메이커’가 되겠다고 했다. 안보 현실을 고려한 불가피한 선택이라고 설명했다. 이런 노력이 성공하려면 한·미 간 긴밀한 사전 조율은 필수다. 양국 간 갈등은 한반도 평화를 위해서나, 한국의 안보 자강(自强)을 위해 아무런 도움이 되지 못한다는 점을 잊지 말았으면 한다.
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