Sino-US Strategic Cooperation on North Korea’s Satellite Program

Published in Nanfang Daily
(China) on 18 April 2012
by Chen Ding Li (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Jonathan Dixon. Edited by Casey J. Skeens.
North Korea has finally developed the technology to launch a ballistic missile. This is hard to say, because we as outsiders do not know whether or not this is intended to launch a satellite. As scientists, we do not know anything about the installations and so can’t press North Korea — which will simply “parrot” that they are working to launch a satellite.

Whether or not this is a satellite program, this technology is ballistic and thus a violation of two UN Security Council resolutions. However, after over 10 years of development, North Korea still failed in successfully launching a satellite — named, as always, “Bright Shining Star” — meaning that it is still unable to become a strong and prosperous nation.

Since 1998, with Bright Shining Star 1, until 2009’s Bright Shining Star 2 and the most recent attempt coined Bright Shining Star 3, North Korea has spent 10 years attempting and failing to launch a dazzling satellite. The nation works behind closed doors, and I’m afraid it won’t have any success until number 6.

But North Korea isn’t complying with the UN. The Security Council does not give it permission to develop ballistic missiles, launch said missiles, or even launch a satellite. Whether it is for military purposes or to actually launch a satellite, all of these programs use ballistic technology.

This is not to say that the UN has forbidden North Korea to have a satellite. It has the right to peacefully develop its airspace; this is the right of any country. The UN has also not forbidden North Korea from developing a military satellite. But the Security Council has not given it permission to launch a satellite. North Korea could drill through the legal loophole that the Security Council does not forbid satellites but has not granted it permission to launch them. In this case, why not ask its allies to launch the satellite instead? Under its own program, it has spent nearly one billion U.S. dollars, while help from another country would cost only tens of millions.

North Korea has this mindset; once a beggar, always a beggar. A national satellite is a matter of prestige. And North Korea is an extremely suspicious country; I fear it has ulterior motives. The concept of launching a satellite is a ruse; it’s really about developing the delivery system.

Recently some have claimed that the Sino-U.S. trust is nothing new. But I figure that this strategic trust, even if inconsistent with the facts, is a novelty.

This article focuses on these new aspects. We cannot discuss all of the aspects of Sino-U.S. strategic cooperation, but there certainly is cooperation in trying to prevent North Korea from launching a satellite. As mentioned earlier, the UN Security council has forbidden North Korea from developing the capabilities to launch ballistic missiles, including the U.S. and China. That America would not allow the North to dally with ballistics is not hard to understand. The part that is new is that China is agreeing with the United States. Beijing and Washington both agreed to UN Security Council resolution 1874 on North Korea’s efforts to launch a satellite or missile.

In 2009, when China and the U.S. both opposed North Korea’s actions, they cooperated in restricting its behavior under international laws. It appeared that the two nations were cooperating strategically. Now the U.S. and China continue to work together in the UN in what again seems to be strategic cooperation. China and the U.S. cooperate in a number of different realms, but their cooperation on strategic issues remains limited. As with the North Korea situation, the Iran issue is an opportunity to improve strategic cooperation and develop trust while reducing suspicions.

North Korea’s satellite launch was unsuccessful and disheartening. The Security Council has not expressed its annoyance because of the psychology of North Korea’s leaders; instead it has taken a more obtuse approach, replacing phrases like “censure” with “regret.” This stern yet not antagonistic wording is a sign of a new form of cooperation between China and the U.S. It is the American habit to take a tough stance against North Korea, and Beijing does not wish to see an endless series of attempts to launch a satellite.

Recently in Turkey, Iran’s nuclear development program and six-party talks also fostered cooperation. Iran has the right to develop nuclear energy for security purposes, but its secretive development has aroused the suspicions of the international community, so Sino-U.S. cooperation in the UN Security Council pushed through a number of resolutions banning Iran from enriching uranium. However, it has continued to enrich uranium to 20 percent concentration, a shockingly illegal move.

The U.S. and other countries need to be patient in negotiations with Iran. As long as the enrichment program is minimized we should compromise and allow Iran to continue some enrichment. In other words, as long as concessions lead to peace, the U.S. and other nations should be willing to compromise. This is the strategic cooperation between China and the U.S. in balancing their interests.

So if things are to advance on the North Korean issue, will setting aside the relevant UN resolutions on sanctions under the premise that North Korea be allowed to launch a civilian satellite reduce U.S. concerns about the North Korean missile threat? These are the strategic areas where China and the U.S. can cooperate.


复旦大学国际问题研究院常务副院长

  朝鲜终于进行了基于弹道导弹技术的发射。这么拗口说话,是因为外界不明白朝鲜发射的是否真是卫星,所以咱按科学办事,不能不知装知,所以不能按朝鲜口径,它说发射卫星咱也鹦鹉学舌。

  但不管是否发射卫星,都是基于弹道导弹的发射,因此都违反安理会两个相关决议。不过,练了十多年,朝鲜射星技术仍不过关,“光明星”一如既往地栽跟斗——强盛大国的门还是打不开。

  从1998年朝鲜发射“光明星1号”,到2009年发射“2号”,再到这次发射“3号”,朝鲜屡射屡败,又屡败屡射,折腾不已,一晃也已十多年。就凭朝鲜这般闭门造车,恐怕到它发射到“6号”之时,也未必能够取得成功。

  只是,朝鲜别同联合国对着干。安理会不准朝鲜进行基于弹道导弹的发射,就是不准朝鲜发射弹道导弹,并且不准它发射任何卫星。无论军用或民用卫星,都得采用基于弹道导弹发射的技术。

  这绝非说联合国禁止朝鲜拥有卫星。朝鲜当然具有和平开发太空的权利,这是每个国家与生俱来的。朝鲜即便在太空拥有军用卫星等资产,联合国也尚未禁止。但是,安理会不准朝鲜亲自把卫星从地面送到太空。朝鲜本可钻个法律空子,联合国不反对朝鲜拥有卫星,但不准朝鲜发射。那么,为何不请他国代劳呢?自己发射,整套系统花上近十亿美元还搞不成,请人发射几千万美元也就成了。

  但朝鲜就要争这口气,求人不如求己。全国产的射星多体面。这样,他国更生疑:朝鲜非得自己干,恐怕醉翁之意不在酒吧?射星是假,操练远程运载工具能力为真。

  近来有人称中美战略不信任,显得老调重弹,并无新意。要是琢磨出中美战略还挺信任的,即使不符事实,说法上还不无新奇。

  那么,这篇小文就来弄点新意。不能说中美什么都战略信任,但起码在阻止朝鲜射星的问题上是这样。上述安理会不准朝鲜进行基于弹道导弹技术发射的国家,包括中美。美国不准朝鲜玩弄弹道导弹发射技术,不难理解。新奇的是中国也未反对美国。北京和华盛顿联手,推动了安理会第1874号决议,以国际法形式不让朝鲜发射导弹或卫星。

  2009年时,中美为反对朝鲜这类行为,合作制定了限制朝鲜特定行为的国际法,显示了两国的战略合作。现在,中美继续联手反对朝鲜违反联合国安理会决议,仍然显示了中美的战略协作。中美合作的领域很多,但是战略合作的机会不多。正是在朝鲜射星、伊朗核问题这样的战略事务上抓住时机,中美才有可能更多增进战略互信,减少疑隙。

  朝鲜射星在技术上未有成功,正在沮丧之际。安理会既不能因为朝鲜懊恼而不给说法,但又要顾及朝鲜心态失衡之后可能更走偏锋,因此使用了“痛惜”而非“谴责”这样虽说严厉但欠对抗的措辞,这也是中美等国在朝鲜射星之后的新合作。按美国习惯,本应采取强硬反应,但考虑到朝鲜是个“以强硬对待强硬”的主,还是咽下这口气,调侃一下朝鲜也就算了。这正顺应中国利益,北京不想朝鲜射星事件的涟漪没完没了。

  近日在土耳其正在进行伊朗就其核发展与六国的谈判,性质如出一辙。伊朗发展民用核能天经地义,可它过去就是偷偷摸摸,以秘密方式从事本可光明正大进行的事业,引起国际社会怀疑,因此中美合作,在安理会推动通过了多项决议,不准伊朗进行铀浓缩,而伊朗对此置若罔闻,已将铀235同位素浓缩到20%的浓度,违法程度触目惊心。

  即便如此,中美等国还是耐心与伊朗谈判,只要伊朗肯将铀浓缩程度降低,恐怕还得妥协让伊朗继续浓缩铀。换言之,只要能找到互有退让的和平之路,中美等国也愿意搁置已经通过的国际法。这就是中美两国均衡各自利益的战略合作。

  那么,对朝鲜是否也可退让一步,搁置联合国相关制裁决议,在朝鲜接受核查的前提下,允许朝鲜将来自我发射真正的民用卫星,并最大限度地削减美国对朝鲜导弹威胁的忧虑?中国和美国还有战略合作空间。

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