Should It Be “China Threat Theory” or “US-Japan Threat Theory?”

Published in China.com
(China) on 10 June 2012
by Feng Chuang Zhi (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Lanlan Jin. Edited by .

Edited by Anita Dixon

Each year, the U.S. releases a report entitled “Military and Security Developments Involving the People’s Republic of China” that evaluates the Chinese military complex and propagates the “China Threat Theory.” By contrast, not 20 days after this year’s May 18 publication of the U.S. military report on China, China released the “Assessment of U.S. Military Report 2011 (civilian edition)” and the “Assessment of Japanese Military Report 2011 (civilian edition)” — the very first publication of its kind. Truly tit for tat, the American appraisal of Chinese military power and the Chinese civilian report on American military strength have been presented to the international media and the general public, providing material for a comparative analysis of Sino-U.S.-Japanese military forces.

What’s intriguing is that China’s assessment of U.S. military power was not in the name of the Chinese government, nor in the name of the Chinese military, but was rather dubbed as “civilian.” Yet these reports are definitely not scams, for the two reports were shown to have been prepared under the auspices of the China Council for the Promotion of Strategic Military Culture and the organization’s Executive Vice President Major General Luo Yuan assured the media that the two reports were drafted under the guidance of a council comprised of a number of authoritative military experts. Evidently, the importance of these two reports should not be underestimated.

“The U.S. military is still the most powerful military on the globe,” describes the central viewpoint of the Chinese civilian report, which is an angle that the U.S. has claimed and that the international community has recognized. Since the U.S. military is the world’s “most powerful,” its infiltration into any country naturally espouses feelings of threat within the community. Because interference in the South China Sea dispute has been an established strategy for the U.S., the U.S. military has been actively seeking a strong military foothold in the South China Sea region. Its targets include the military bases in Singapore, in Darwin, Australia, in Subic Bay, Philippines, and in Cam Rahn Bay, Vietnam. The logic of the U.S. and Japan is that they can sell arms to Taiwan, infringe upon China’s sovereignty and disrupt China’s internal affairs. They can also send spy vessels toward China, deploy strategic nuclear-powered aircraft carriers and nuclear submarines to the Western Pacific close to China, conduct frequent joint military exercises in surrounding regions to display military prowess, and continue to research, develop and update a variety of sophisticated equipment. Of course they can also increase the number of “self-defense” personnel and deploy armies to the doorway to China — the southeastern islands, which in the United States’ and Japan’s words would only serve to safeguard regional peace and stability. Even so, the civilian report still made the following suggestion: China should, on one hand, remain vigilant towards America’s return to Asia to intervene in the South China Sea dispute and the United States’ focal military strategy shifting eastward, and, on the other hand, see to the in-depth economic integration of both nations as the Chinese and U.S. militaries cooperate in dealing with the challenges and threats of the 21st century. This suggestion not only reveals that the Chinese public is concerned with America as a military threat, but also realistically indicates the impact of the interconnectedness that the Sino-U.S. economy has on U.S. military activities. Compared to the visceral “China Threat Theory,” this civilian report appears a lot more objective.
For one, nowadays China has become the first creditor nation for the United States; the U.S. Department of Treasury shows that by the end of 2011, Chinese holdings of U.S. Treasury Bonds amounted to $1.15 trillion, presenting a decrease of $8.2 billion per month compared to last year. The report shows that as of the end of December 2011, Chinese holdings of American debt, containing a variety of receipts, ends in a balance of $1.15 trillion. China has leapt to the seat of the world’s second largest economy. Even though conflicts persist between the U.S. and China, China is still America’s third largest export economy and has been the fastest growing export market for the U.S. for years — the situation definitely will influence Sino-U.S. military relationships. Therefore, solely discussing “China Threat Theory” or “U.S. Threat Theory” is fruitless.

Unsurprisingly, China’s “Assessment of Japanese Military Report 2011 (civilian edition)” has garnered quite a bit of international attention. The Japan report is only 16 pages versus the 51-page U.S. report, but the Japanese military has already given worrisome signs: military strategic adjustments. Japan has been exporting arms beyond regulation guidelines; the Japanese self-titled “Self Defense” force is realistically a medium-sized, well-equipped, technologically advanced and highly trained army. They have also expressed their firm stance on the issue of the Diaoyu Islands. The above list of things has already seriously violated the Japanese “pacifist” constitution. Violation of Japan’s “pacifist” constitution has imaginable consequences. Should Japan insist on a U.S.-Japan alliance and conduct military exercises, it will prove difficult to erase the “U.S.-Japan Threat Theory” from the minds of Southeast Asians. Thus, whether it’s to preserve the peace of the Asian Pacific or promote world peace, there is a need to strengthen international surveillance on Japan and its a history of aggression toward many countries in the past century, at least for the suppression of a military resurgence. Yet on this crucial issue, the powerful U.S. military maintains the U.S.-Japan axis, which can only elicit concern from people in Asia as well as worldwide.

China has promulgated that while the reports were civilian editions, they seem well supported. A rational analysis of the current world powers and threat levels cannot rely on finger-pointing, but has to be backed with facts and reasoning. To eliminate “threat theories,” communication will be critical.


是“中国威胁论”还是“美日威胁论”

美国每年都发布《中国军力报告》,对中国军队评头品足,个中渲染的是“中国军力威胁论”。而今,在美国《中国军力报告》5月18日出台不到20天,中国首次发布了《2011年美国军力评估报告(民间版)》和《2011年日本军力评估报告(民间版)》(见人民网2012年6月6日)。可谓针锋对麦芒,美国评中国军力报告和中国民间评估美国军力报告一并呈现在世界媒体和公众面前,为人们比较研究中美日军力提供了素材。

令人回味的是,中国评估美国军力不是以中国官方名义,也不是以中国军方名义,而标上民间版,但决非是“山寨版”。中国这两份报告标明是由中国战略文化促进会主持编制的,其常务副会长罗援少将对媒体坦承,这两份报告由多名中国权威军事专家参与起草。可见,中国这两个报告不可等闲视之。

“美国军力仍是世界上最强大军队”,这是中国民间版对美军力报告的基本看法,这个判断不但美国自称,也得到世界各国的认同。既然美军为世界“最强大”,那么,其插手指向何处,当然给那里的国家和人民产生威胁感觉。插手南海是美国的既定战略,为此美军急于在南海周边寻找军事支撑点,新加坡的军事基地、澳洲的达尔文港、菲律宾的苏比克湾以及越南的金兰湾,都是美军的目标. 。按照美日的逻辑,他们可以把武器卖给台湾,侵犯中国的主权,干涉中国的内政;可以派舰机对中国抵近侦察;可以把战略核动力航母和核潜艇部署到中国周边的西太平洋震慑中国;可以频频和其他国家在中国周边地区进行联合军演炫耀武力;可以不断研制、更新和装备各种各样的尖端武器;可以扩充“自卫队”人数,把军队部署到中国家门口的“西南诸岛”在美日的嘴里,他们所做的这一切都是为了维护地区的和平与稳定。即使如此,中国民间版仍然这般建议:中国一方面要对美国重返亚太插手南海争端和战略重心东移保持警惕,另一方面又要看到中美在经济上深度融合,中美两军应共同应对21世纪面临的挑战与威胁。这段话既道出了中国公众对美军事威胁的担心,也如实指出了中美经济的深度融合对美军威胁产生的影响,比之美国赤裸裸的“中国威胁论”,这份民间版报告似乎更为客观。
其中之一是,时下,中国也了美国第一债权国;美国财政部报告显示,至2011年末,中国持有美国国债总额为1.1519万亿美元,较上年度月减少82亿美元。报告显示,截至2011年12月末,中国所持美国国债,包含各种票据在内,余额为11519亿美元。中国一跃成为世界第二经济体。中美尽管有纠纷,但中国是美国第三大出口市场,并连续多年是美国增长最快的出口市场,这种状况不可能不对中美两国军力产生影响。因此,单纯谈及中国威胁论或美国威胁论都毫无意义。

当然,最引起世界关注的是中国这个《2011年日本军力评估报告(民间版)》。相比有51页的美军力报告,对日本军力报告只有16页,但日本军方已出现令人担忧的变化:战略调整;日本已突破武器出口原则;日本冠名“自卫队”的军事力量,实质上已是一支规模中等、装备精良、技术先进、训练水平高的正规军。同时对中国钓鱼岛问题上采取强硬姿态。这些已表明,已严重违反日本和平宪法。违反日本和平宪法意味着什么可想而知。一旦日本坚持日美同盟基轴,进行一系列日美军演之际,东亚国家和人民就难以抹去“美日威胁论”。因此,不论保持亚太和平还是推进世界和平,对上世纪侵略亚洲很多国家的日本,需要强化国际监督,至少不能让其军国主义复燃。然而,正是在这一重大关切上,世界上最强大的军力美国却坚持日美为轴,这不能不引起亚洲人民和世界人民的担忧。
中国出台对美国军力报告尽管只是民间版,却彰显底气十足。实际上分析当今世界力量对比,谁威胁谁,不是靠指责靠戴帽,而且靠摆事实讲道理。消除“威胁论”,关键的还是多沟通。
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