The Japanese Right Wing Hopes for a Turn of Fortune by Letting America Contain China

Published in Huanqiu
(China) on 4 January 2013
by Bao Shenggang (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Jingman Xiao. Edited by Gillian Palmer.
The Sino-Japanese relationship regarding the Diaoyu Island crisis is facing a turning point: marching half a step forward might render the situation out of control, but half a step backward is equivalent to one full step forward, which not only benefits both parties but also helps to stabilize the situation in northeastern Asia and facilitates the development of economic integration.

First of all, the root cause for the deteriorating relationship between China and Japan is Japan's turn toward the right wing. However, the tendency of turning right and resorting to militarism apparently cannot save Japan; conversely, Japan will may be trapped deeper in economic and political dilemmas, which will lead to further worsening its relations with neighboring countries and, ultimately, to diplomatic isolation.

Diplomatic unyieldingness due to the incompetence in economic terms of the Noda government and pro-right nationalist sentiments give rise to Japan's attempts to bet on the Diaoyu Islands, which is destined to be a fiasco. In this case, left with the mess, how is Abe going to sort it out? First, he has to be more “right” than the right wing and more unyielding as well in order to gain support, to balance the right wing force at home and to stabilize his rule. Therefore, Abe has been emphasizing during the election campaign and afterward that there is no leeway on the matter of the Diaoyu Islands; that Japan will never back off, not even half a step; and that it will send officials to the islands as well as amend its “Peace Constitution” to rename its Self-Defense Forces “Defense Forces.”

What is more, he has to maintain Japan’s friendship with America; U.S. support is an external factor in the stabilization of his rule and also a cornerstone of Japanese diplomacy and the maintenance of its status in Pacific Asia. Therefore, immediately after the election Abe announced his visit to the U.S. this January. What is he going to do next? Apparently the economy. Without economic improvement, Abe is not staying prime minister for long; in order to achieve that, Japan’s relationship with China has to be taken into consideration. The real foundation of Abe and the LDP is Japan's financial sector and entrepreneurs.

Finance Is the Compass and the LDP Steers

There is a saying in Japan: Finance is the compass and the LDP steers. The sector supported Abe just because it thought he could repair the Sino-Japanese relationship. This sector and the entrepreneurs are the promoters and benefactors of the economic and trade relationships between China and Japan — and, at the same time, victims if the relationship worsens. They cannot wait to have the relationship renewed and recovered.

Hence, what really determines what Abe will choose is the interests he represents. He resorted to nationalism to gain support but would have to step down after he took office if people had less money in their pocket. Needless to say, how both countries step half a step backward on this matter remains a mystery.

Secondly, choosing the middle way is the most beneficial to Japan; staying neutral could prevent Japan from being involved in the Sino-U.S. competitions and would ensure that it gets whatever it wants from both sides, thus maximizing its interests. Currently, the Asian political security and economy is a dual structure, with the former being centered on the U.S. It was formed during the Cold War, in which America established a series of bilateral security alliances including those with Japan, Korea, the Philippines and Australia in the Asian-Pacific region and built an American-led Asian-Pacific security system based upon the bilateral alliances. America's return to Asia and having the U.S.-Japan alliance as the cornerstone undoubtedly aims at rebuilding and reinforcing this system.

However, the Asian economic system is increasingly centered on China. After the Asian financial crisis, China and other Asia-Pacific countries have achieved fast growth in terms of economic development and accelerated the course of Asian economic integration at the same time. Not only did China surpass Japan and become the second largest economy in the world, it also is the largest trade partner of almost all Asia-Pacific countries. Though America attempts to return to Asia through political and military means, it is difficult for it to reverse the trend of Asian economic integration that is centered around China. Under such a circumstance, the best choice for Japan and other Asia-Pacific countries is to follow the American-led security system in terms of security problems and emulate the Chinese model in terms of the economy, which is to stay neutral between China and the U.S.

Finally, Japan should have learned from the Diaoyu Island crisis that the U.S. is not reliable or credible. Although the U.S.-Japan alliance is the basis of the U.S.-Japan relationship, they each have their own plans — unless Japan is still willing to be deployed as a vanguard in fighting China. Against the background of financial crisis and economic regression, America shifted its strategic focus to the Asia-Pacific region but lacked the huge but necessary resources to realize this strategy due to the sovereign debt crisis; thus domestic political impasse made America adopt a tight policy, which in turn brought about a huge resource insufficiency. How can this insufficiency be dealt with? America's solution is to find allies' support and cooperation, which means that America leads and the allies pay. In addition to that, America also gets their money through large-scale military sales, which America dubs power diplomacy; in fact, this role allows America to hide, stirring up trouble and benefiting as the third party. By getting others to work for it and trapping China in troubles and disputes with neighboring countries, America further contains and disrupts China's peaceful rise and development with the smallest prices to pay but biggest benefits.

The Japanese right wing and the Noda government see America's return to Asia as a turn of fortune for them: On one hand, this can contain China; on the other hand, Japan can strengthen its own military power, get out of the 20-year economic depression and the shadow of World War II to become a normal country and realize its ambition of its own return to Asia by enhancing its political and military strengths. However, what is the result? How America reacted in this Diaoyu Island crisis obviously is a disappointment to the right wing and also brings them a bitter sense of betrayal.

Strategic mistakes can be rectified and any misjudgment will bring irrevocable disaster. Which direction should Japan be choosing? To exert itself voluntarily in the service of the U.S. and be a vanguard in containing China and fighting China completely? Or to stay neutral and secure the maximization of its own interest? This is the choice that confronts Japan. Apparently, choosing the former will definitely drag Japan into deeper crisis and tends to worsen the situation in Eastern Asia, whereas the latter choice is seen as the wise one.


新加坡《联合早报》1月4日文章 原题:中日关系退半步,进一步 目前,就钓鱼岛危机中日关系已经面临一个临界点,进半步,可能就会导致势态的失控,但是如果能够退半步,就可以进一步,这不仅有利于中日双方,而且也有利于东北亚局势的稳定以及经济一体化的发展。

  首先,日本向右转是导致中日关系恶化的根本原因,但是显然右倾化与走向军国主义不可能拯救日本,相反只能使日本陷入更深的经济与政治困境,同时只能进一步恶化与周边国家的关系,导致日本外交的孤立。

  野田政府在经济上的无能,转而通过外交上的强硬,利用日本右倾化民族主义情绪,试图在钓鱼岛问题上赌一把,只能注定以惨败收场。那么,面对前任留下的内外交困这一烂摊子,安倍将如何收拾呢?首先,安倍必须比右翼更加右翼,比右翼更加强硬,这样才能获得支持,才能平衡日本右翼势力,稳固自己的执政,所以安倍在竞选中和当选后一再宣称钓鱼岛问题上,没有谈判的余地,日本不会退让半步,并要在钓鱼岛上派驻公务员,同时宣称要修改和平宪法,改自卫队为国防军。


  其次,安倍必须向美国示好,因为美国的支持是安倍能否稳固执政的外部因素,同时也是日本外交和保持日本在亚太地位的基石,所以,安倍当选后马上宣称明年一月将访问美国。那么,接下来安倍又将做什么呢?显然是经济,没有经济的好转,安倍首相的位子坐不长,而要扭转日本低迷的经济,将不得不考虑与中国的关系。安倍和日本自民党的真正基础是日本财界和企业界。

  财界是指南针,自民党是舵手

  日本从来有一种说法,财界是指南针,自民党是舵手。为什么财界会支持他,就是认为安倍会修复中日关系。日本财界和企业界是中日经贸关系的推动者和得益者,也是中日关系恶化的受害者,他们迫不及待要求恢复中日关系。所以,真正决定安倍选择的是其代表的利益,竞选时他要诉诸民族感情获得支持,但上台以后老百姓口袋里的钱如果减少,他就得下台。当然,如何在钓鱼岛问题上中日两国各自退半步,目前依然还是一个未知数。

  其次,对于日本来讲,选择中间道路是最有利的,因为选择中立,可以避免使自己卷入中美纷争,同时又能从中美那里得到想要得到的,确保自己利益的最大化。目前,亚洲政治安全与经济是一个二元化的结构,政治与军事安全体系依然是以美国为中心,这一体系形成于冷战时期,美国在亚太建立了美日、美韩、美菲、美澳等一系列的双边安全联盟,并以此为基石确立了美国主导的亚太安全体系,美国重返亚洲,选择以美日同盟为基石,无非是重修与强化这一体系。

  但是,亚洲经济体系则越来越趋于以中国为中心,亚洲金融风暴后,中国与亚太国家在经济上取得了快速发展,同时加快了亚洲经济一体化的发展,中国不但超过日本成为世界第二大经济体,而且也是几乎所有亚太国家最大的贸易伙伴国,美国试图通过政治军事重返亚洲,但是难以扭转以中国为中心的亚洲经济一体化发展趋势。在这样的形势下,对亚太各国也包括日本来讲最好的选择是在安全问题上依然以美国及其主导的亚太安全体系为标杆,经济上则以中国以及中国经济作为自己经济发展的政策标杆,在中美之间选择中立。

  最后,日本从钓鱼岛危机中应该认识到美国不可靠,也不可信,尽管美日同盟是美日关系的基石,但是,美日各有自己的算盘,除非日本继续愿意成为美国的马前卒,与中国对抗。美国把战略重心转移到亚太,在金融危机和经济衰退背景下,却缺少实现这一战略“转向”的必要而巨大的资源,因为主权债务危机和由此导致的国内政治僵局,美国不得不紧缩,这样就出现了一个巨大的资源缺口,如何弥补这一缺口?美国的解决方案是寻求盟友的支持和配合,即美国领导,盟国出钱,不仅如此,美国还要通过大肆出售军火以赚取这些国家的钱,对此美国美其名曰巧实力外交,实际上就是自己躲在背后,煽风点火,从中渔利,让别人为它卖命,使中国陷入与周边国家的矛盾与冲突之中,进而牵制与打乱中国和平崛起与和平发展的进程,试图以最小的代价,换取最大的利益。

  日本右翼与野田政府把美国重返亚洲看作自己转运的机会,一可以遏制中国,二可以发展自身军力,通过政治军事强国,走出经济持续20年的低迷期,同时走出二战的阴影,成为正常国家,实现自己重返亚洲的雄心。但是,结果怎样呢?在钓鱼岛危机中,美国的表态无疑使日本右翼感到失望和有一种被出卖的难言苦楚。

  战术上的失误可以修正,战略上的误判将酿成无可挽回的灾难,日本向何处去?是继续跟随美国,甘愿成为美国的马前卒,遏制中国,与中国关系走向全面对抗,还是应该选择中立,以确保自己的利益最大化?这是目前日本面临的选择。显然,选择前者必然使日本走向更深的危机,同时将使东亚局势趋于恶化,而选择后者,应该讲是明智之举。
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