Eavesdropping on AP Injures West's Freedom of the Press

Published in Huanqiu
(China) on 15 May 2013
by Wang Chuanbao (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Mollie Gossage. Edited by Eva Langman  .
On May 13, the Associated Press protested “in the strongest possible terms” against the U.S. Department of Justice’s (DOJ) secret reading of the private phone records of AP office personnel and reporters. This matter immediately aroused the attention of the international community. How it concludes will not only secure or redefine the boundaries of freedom of the press in the U.S., it will also become the touchstone for whether or not the AP can safeguard the values inherent in “freedom of the press.”
 
Looking back at the history of news in the U.S., we discover that the tradition of free press was formed through a series of public power struggles and finally solidified by the First Amendment to the U.S. Constitution. In reality, however, the U.S. government has never stopped its interference with the press. In 2006, incidents broke out in the U.S. involving wiretapping; among the press community, such occasions of "eavesdropping" then became the most reviled and guarded against of government conduct. Because eavesdropping undoubtedly violates a citizen’s privacy, if it is given any kind of authorization, such behavior would become permissible — and overtly conducted — under a multitude of different banners, a rampant trend inevitably leading to unchecked intensifications. This is why the West’s media universe, ever-flaunting its freedom of the press, has always maintained the highest vigilance and taken precautions against eavesdropping by branches of its own governments. It sees this kind of behavior as unconstitutional and the greatest challenge to the true and ultimate freedom of the press.

The media may not obtain leads and information by the eavesdropping method, a prohibition strictly stipulated by law. The U.K.’s News International* suffered severe sanctions under British law because of an eavesdropping scandal. Is the government allowed then — in the name of so-called “national security” — to eavesdrop on reporters’ telephone conversations at will? The French have answered “no.” In 2010, the French newspaper Le Monde sued the office of Nicolas Sarkozy, accusing the government of inciting intelligence officers to illegally monitor the calls of reporters and informants. Although Sarkozy’s office denied the accusations, the incident indirectly caused his approval ratings to drop to a new low.

The U.S. media have already retracted the boundaries of freedom of the press in order to conform to the government’s anti-terrorism campaign after 9/11. Although U.S. media have reported on the Guantanamo Bay issue, the Iraqi prisoner abuse incident, “black sites” throughout Europe, wiretapping and other “eavesdropping” scandals — and the existence of these news reports is a fundamental reflection of America’s deep-rooted concept of freedom of the press — in 2006, The New York Times’ senior journalist Judith Miller was held in contempt of court and sentenced to prison for refusing to divulge source information for an unpublished article. This is a signal. Miller was put on trial and jailed because she upheld the promise to protect her sources, while Time magazine chose “cooperation” and handed over its reporters’ emails.

At present, the actions of the DOJ seem to be a kind of eavesdropping; naturally, according to the AP, this is unacceptable. First, it offends the honor of those being secretly monitored. Second, it is an invasion of the group’s legitimate right to gather information. Reporters’ inability to protect their sources will affect the credibility of the media, causing a loss of trust and support between them. Meanwhile, reporters’ own freedom of communication was needlessly disrupted and their privacy violated, a blow against their basic human rights. If permission from the U.S. courts is deemed unnecessary, DOJ officials may take it upon themselves to carry out such investigations, and the freedom of the press that the U.S. media regard as such an honor will be greatly harmed, its boundaries forced to recede again and again. Wherever it ends, it will end with a question mark. Therefore, the AP must take a stand, and other media cannot help but be drawn into the matter as well. White House press secretary Jay Carney asserted that the White House is not involved in the DOJ investigation. This perhaps can lend some confidence to the AP's struggle. The results remain to be seen.

* Editor's note: News International Limited is now known as NI Group Limited.


5月13日,美联社以“最强烈的言辞”抗议美司法部秘密调阅美联社办公室乃至记者的私人通话记录。此事迅即引起国际社会的关注,如何收场,不仅将巩固或重新界定美国新闻自由的边界,也成为美联社能否捍卫其视为生命的“新闻自由”的一个试金石。

  回顾美国新闻史,我们会发现,美国新闻自由的传统,是在一系列与公权力斗争的过程中形成,并最终以美国宪法第一修正案予以巩固。但事实上,美国政府对新闻界的干预,一直就没有停止过。2006年美国爆发的政府“窃听门”事件,“窃听风云”则成为新闻界最为反感和警惕的政府行为之一。因为窃听无疑侵犯了公民的隐私,如果这种窃听有正当授权的话,这种行为就会被打着各种各样的旗号,堂而皇之地进行,并必将愈演愈烈,最终呈泛滥之势。所以,一直标榜新闻自由的西方新闻界,对来自政府部门的窃听一直保持高度的警惕和戒备,并视这种违宪行为,是对新闻自由的最大挑战。

  媒体不能采取窃听的方式来获得新闻线索和新闻信息,这是法律所严格规定的。英国《世界新闻报》就因窃听丑闻受到英国法律的严厉制裁。同样,政府能够为了所谓的“国家安全”,随意窃听记者的电话吗?法国人给出的答案是“不”。2010年,法国《世界报》起诉了萨科齐办公室。这家报纸指责政府指使情报人员非法监听记者与线人的通话。尽管萨科齐办公室对此予以否认,但也间接地使萨科齐的支持率降至新低。

  “9·11”事件后,美国媒体为配合政府反恐,在新闻自由的边界上,已经有所收缩。虽然美国媒体报道了关塔那摩监狱问题、伊拉克虐囚事件、欧洲黑狱事件、“电话窃听门”等丑闻,这些新闻报道固然从根本上是美国根深蒂固新闻自由理念的反映,但发生在2006年的《纽约时报》资深记者朱迪思·米勒,因为拒绝向法庭透露一则未刊登报道的消息来源而被指控“藐视法庭”罪被判入狱,就是一个信号。米勒因为坚持保护信源而受审入狱,而《时代》周刊选择了“合作”,交出了记者的邮件。

  现在,美国司法部的行为显然也是一种窃听,这对美联社来说,自然不能接受。一是对其尊严的冒犯,二是对其正当行使采访权的“入侵”。记者不能保护消息来源,这不仅会影响到媒体的信誉,也会使其丧失信源的信任和支持,这有损媒体的利益。同时,自身的通讯自由受到无端干扰和破坏,隐私被侵犯,这也是对记者人权的伤害。如果不需要美国法庭的允许,擅自进行此类调查,美国媒体引以自豪的新闻自由必将受到巨大伤害,新闻自由的边界一退再退,何时是个头,也是一个问号。所以,美联社必须抗争,其他媒体也不会对此置身事外。白宫新闻发言人卡尼声称白宫没有介入司法部的调查。这或许能够给美联社的抗争找到一点信心。结果如何,拭目以待。(作者是南京政治学院新闻传播系教授)
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