On the Fence: What Will Australia Decide?

Published in Huanqiu
(China) on 28 August 2015
by Zhou Fangyin (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Nathan Hsu. Edited by Ashley Pinamonti.
Yesterday, Australian Defense Minister Kevin Andrews indicated that Australia would seek to expand and deepen its security alliance with the United States over the coming decades. Some U.S. and Australian media groups were quick to attribute the move to the rise of China "fueling instability in the [Asia-Pacific] region.”

It is common consensus among outside observers that the U.S.-Australian military and security relationship is growing increasingly intimate. Just at the beginning of this month in Adelaide, the capital of South Australia, Australian Prime Minister Tony Abbott detailed a shipbuilding project that will cost as much as AU $89 billion, of which almost AU $40 billion will be used in the construction of new frigates and offshore combatant vessels and an additional AU $50 billion will be spent on submarines. Abbott himself called the unveiling a “historic announcement.”

On Australia's part, Abbott's announcement of the shipbuilding plans was likely spurred by internal political considerations, namely raising employment rates in South Australia. However, as warship construction will not begin until 2018 at the earliest, the plans themselves will be dependent upon a fair number of variables. Publicizing the news may help boost confidence in South Australia's economy, but will not have any immediate effect toward resolving the state's employment woes.

When taken together, the Australian defense minister's stance and Australia's historic shipbuilding project will be interpreted by many outside observers as the products of Australia's intentions to adopt a more active, and some would even say radical, posture that will fit more closely with the U.S. "pivot to Asia" strategy. The project's implementation would greatly enhance Australia's capability to counterbalance increasing Chinese military strength at the southern end of the first island chain. Considering some of Australia’s recent statements and actions on the South China Sea issue, one could say that such an interpretation is not far off the mark.

In recent years, a growing number of nations in the Asia-Pacific have experienced a phenomenon in which they have become economically reliant upon China, but still dependent on the United States for security. Among those nations, Australia's reaction to this phenomenon has been fairly typical.

On the one hand, China has been Australia's largest trading partner for many years, with its exports to China gradually coming to account for more than 30 percent of its total, and its imports from China also making up approximately 20 percent of the aggregate. With the signing of the China-Australia Free Trade Agreement, the economic relationship between the two countries will only grow closer in the near future. On the other hand, as one of the United States' most reliable allies around the globe, Australia is actively participating in the commencement of U.S. military action and has been called the “southern anchor” of the United States' network of alliances throughout Asia and the Pacific.

In some senses, even as its economic ties with China continue to deepen, Australia has also stepped up military cooperation with the United States, although not nearly to a degree that can compete with the former.

Despite its constant economic gravitation toward China, Australia still believes itself to be a member of the West in terms of politics, security and its system of values, but in light of its practical interests, Australia will neither allow its economic cooperation with China to weaken its political and security relationships with the United States and other Western nations, nor have the need to cause any significant damage to its relations with China due to security cooperation with the United States. For now, it is clearly preferable for Australia to reap the benefits of both relationships while not having to sacrifice much in exchange, as such a course is compatible with both its security and economic interests.



  澳大利亚国防部长安德鲁斯昨日表示,澳大利亚在未来数十年将寻求扩大和深化与美国的安全联盟。至于原因,美国及澳大利亚一些媒体极力归结为“面对中国的崛起和亚太地区可能出现的不稳定局面”。
  澳大利亚与美国的军事安全关系越来越密切,这是外界观察家普遍的看法。就在本月初,澳大利亚总理阿博特在南澳大利亚州首府阿德莱德宣布一项总花 费高达890亿澳元的造舰计划,其中接近400亿将用来建造新型护卫舰和近海作战舰艇,另外约500亿将用于潜艇项目。阿博特本人认为这是“历史性的一次 宣布”。
  从澳大利亚方面看,阿博特宣布的这一造舰计划,似乎在很大程度上是出于提高南澳就业率的内政考虑。但舰艇建造工作最早要到2018年才开始,计 划本身可能存在不少变数。宣布这一消息或许有助于提振人们对南澳经济的信心,但对于解决南澳的就业问题并不会产生立竿见影的效果。
  结合澳防长的表态和澳大利亚历史性的造舰计划,很容易让外界理解为,这是澳大利亚试图以更加积极甚至激进的姿态配合美国“亚太再平衡”战略的表 现。造舰计划的实施,将大大加强澳大利亚在第一岛链南端制衡中国军事力量崛起的能力。考虑到澳大利亚近期在南海问题上的一些声音和表现,这种理解应该说是 客观存在的。
  近几年来,在亚太地区,出现了不少国家“经济上靠中国、安全上靠美国”的现象。其中,澳大利亚的表现颇为典型。
  一方面,中国是澳多年来最大的贸易伙伴,对中国的出口逐渐占到其出口额的30%以上,从中国的进口也达到其进口额的20%左右。随着中 澳自贸区协议的签署,未来一个时期,中澳经济联系进一步密切的趋势将不可逆转。另一方面,作为美国在全球范围内最可靠的盟国之一,澳大利亚积极参加美国的 一系列军事行动,被称为美国亚太联盟体系中的“南锚”。某种意义上,在与中国经济关系不断深化的同时,澳大利亚与美国的军事安全合作也有所加强,虽然这一 合作上升的幅度,远不如中澳经济关系的变化那么惊人。
  虽然中澳经济合作不断深化,澳大利亚在政治、安全、价值观等方面,仍然自认为是西方的成员。但从现实利益考虑,澳大利亚既不会因为与中 国的经济合作,而弱化与美国等西方国家的政治安全联系,也不必因为与美国的安全合作,而造成对中澳关系的较大伤害。就当前而言,从中美两国获益,同时不遭 受明显损失,显然比在中美两国之中取其一,是更好的选择,这既符合其安全利益,也符合其经济利益。
(作者是广东国际战略研究院教授)
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