Obama’s Israel Problem

Published in Lianhe Zaobao
(Singapore) on 26 June 2009
by Yu Shiyu (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Edward Seah. Edited by Katy Burtner.
For the Obama administration's policy towards the Middle East, the development of the situation in Iran is a classic case of "crisis" - there is both danger and opportunities in it.

The danger comes mainly from inside the U.S.: from the American right-wing, especially the neoconservatives who, left with only a little dying breath at first, capitalized on the situation. Besides demonizing the Iranian regime, the neoconservatives attacked Obama's "peaceful diplomacy" as being weak and powerless, one that did not dare to express support for the "color revolutions."

Those with some knowledge of history will know that with "histories" such as the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) planning to overthrow the democratically-elected Iranian government in 1953, as well as all the while supporting the Pahlavi dynasty's regime, Washington's open involvement in the Iranian presidential election dispute will only strengthen Iran's right-wing conservative power. This could also perhaps be the main intent behind the Republican's enormous exaggeration of the "Support Iranian Democrats" campaign and, through this, destroy the Obama administration's diplomatic plans of dealing with Iran's nuclear plans through peaceful means.

On the other hand, since the Islamic revolution, Iran's influence in the Persian Gulf and the Greater Middle East has been on the rise. In addition to the Shiite's revival, another important factor is the appeal of the "Islamic democracy" card. Iran is fully supporting two overseas Islamic organizations - the Shiite group Hezabollah in Lebanon and the Sunnis’ Hamas in Palestine. Both organizations are actively fighting for popular opinion and participating in democratic elections, using these as effective political means. Now, Iran itself has fallen into electoral turmoil and, especially since the opposition is accusing the government of electoral fraud, this has apparently hurt Iran's moral authority and influence in the Greater Middle East.

Internal crisis has weakened Iran's soft power

Iran's “soft power” towards the outside world has been diminished due to internal crises, and Washington's diplomatic space in the Middle East has naturally increased accordingly. Iran's electoral controversy comes at a time when the Obama administration is “rectifying” the Bush administration's errors on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, and it has given the White House additional diplomatic opportunities.

Those who can see clearly should know that the key to resolving the conflicts in the Middle East is for Israel, which has the strategic upper hand in military matters, to make substantial concessions. Unless Iran and the Arab nations successfully develop their nuclear weapons, and shift the military balance in the Middle East, Israel's concessions can only come through pressure from Washington. Washington's policy towards the Middle East, however, is intertwined with the powerful Jewish lobby, and thus the preceding U.S. administrations were full of worries when exerting pressure on Israel.

Looking back at Bill Clinton and George Bush, Jr., they started pushing for Israeli-Palestinian talks only when they did not have to worry about serving a consecutive term anymore. Even so, the two presidents did not pressure Israel too much. In recent history, the U.S. president who truly exerted strong diplomatic pressure on Israel was George Bush, Sr. His objective was to establish a “united battlefront” during the first Gulf War. Since the beginning of the Israeli-Palestinian war in 1967, this was also the only time when Washington threatened to withhold American support, which temporarily restricted Israel's expansion of Jewish settlements on Palestinian territory. The significance was that Bush Sr. failed to be elected to a consecutive term, even after having attained great popularity for his victory in the Gulf War.

Since taking office, Obama has immediately requested Israel to fully suspend its expansion of Jewish settlements on the West Bank and, with unprecedented diplomatic pressure, forced Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to accept the "two-state solution" in name. And thus, a new phenomenon has arisen from Washington's policy towards the Middle East.

One reason why Obama is not afraid of following in Bush Sr.'s footsteps is his current strength in internal affairs and his outstanding political skill, especially in nominating the first Latin American Supreme Court chief justice, which more or less lays the foundation for his being elected for a consecutive term.

Obama needs a peaceful international environment

More importantly, like Deng Xiaoping in the past, Obama needs a peaceful international environment in order to realize his ambitions of reforming internal affairs. Another September 11th terrorist attack is the greatest threat to Obama and the Democrats, and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is the biggest publicity handle for the Islamic extremists.

Another issue is the division among American Jews. The Bush administration's "Conservative Revolution" and anti-elitism had offended a great number of intellectuals, most of whom are liberals, in addition to the continually unpopular neoconservatives.

What Obama is facing, however, is Israel's inclination to the right. For over 40 years, 300,000 Jewish colonizers have taken 35 percent of Palestinian territory on the West Bank, but Nethanyahu still insists that the Obama administration demand Israel to freeze their settlements.

More important is the fact that though Nethanyahu has accepted the "two-state solution" on the surface, he put forth many prerequisites, which was in fact a return to the "one-and-a-half state solution" that caused the complete failure of the Oslo Peace Accords. It means that Palestine would be a completely Israeli-controlled "child regime" without its own weapons, air space and sea space.

Nethanyahu's boldness in openly making the call with the White House on key issues such as "freezing" the settlements and the "two-state solution" showed that Israel knows that however great the pressure the Obama administration exerts on them, it will not be able to supersede the "bottomline" of the American Jews not allowing Israel's "safe existence" to be threatened. From this angle, Washington's current diplomatic opportunity may inevitably be irrevocably lost.


伊朗局势的发展,对奥巴马政府的中东政策而言,可以说是场典型的“危机”——既有危险,也是机会。

危险主要来自美国内部:美国右翼势力,尤其是原本尸居余气的新保守主义趁火打劫,除了妖魔化伊朗政权,更纷纷攻击奥巴马的“和平外交”软弱无力,不敢声援伊朗的“颜色革命”。

稍有历史常识的都知道,由于1953年美国中央情报局策划推翻伊朗民选政府,以及长期支持巴列维王朝政权等历史“前科”,华盛顿公开卷入伊朗总统选举争议,只会强化伊朗的右翼保守势力。这也许正是共和党大肆渲染“支持伊朗民主派”的本意,借此破坏奥巴马政府通过和平手段处置伊朗核计划的外交计划。共和党的政治宣传,的确使得奥巴马在伊朗动乱问题上相当被动。

在另一方面,伊斯兰革命以来,伊朗在波斯湾和大中东地区的影响不断上升,除了什叶派复兴运动,另一重要因素是“伊斯兰民主”牌的号召力。伊朗在海外全力支持的两个伊斯兰组织--黎巴嫩的什叶派真主党和巴勒斯坦逊尼派哈马斯组织,无不以积极争民意、参加民主选举作为有效的政治手段。如今伊朗本身陷入选举动乱,尤其是反对派指责政府选举舞弊,明显伤害了伊朗在大中东地区的上述道德权威和影响。

内部危机削弱伊朗软力量

伊朗对外的“软力量”因内部危机而减弱,华盛顿在中东的外交空间自然相应增加。适逢奥巴马政府近来在以巴冲突问题上对布什政府的失误进行“纠偏”,伊朗的选举争议为白宫提供了额外的外交机会。

明眼人都知道:解决中东冲突问题的关键,是军事上占绝对优势的以色列作出实质让步。除非伊朗和阿拉伯国家成功发展核武,改变中东的军事均衡,以色列的让步只能来自华盛顿的压力。而华盛顿的中东政策,又与强大的犹太游说势力交织在一起,使得美国历届政府对以色列施压顾虑重重。

回顾克林顿和小布什,都是在不用再担心连任的第二任上,才开始花力气推动以巴谈判。即便这样,两位总统都没有对以色列施加太多压力。近代真正对以色列施加了外交高压的美国总统是老布什,为的是建立第一次海湾战争的“统一战线”。这也是1967年以巴战争以来,华盛顿唯一以威胁扣发美援,暂时制约了以色列在巴勒斯坦地区的殖民扩张。意味深长的是老布什却在海湾战争胜利的巨大人望之后连任失败。

奥巴马上任伊始,马上公开要求以色列全面冻结在约旦河西岸的殖民扩张,并以前所未有的外交压力,迫使以色列总理内坦亚胡在名义上接受了“两国方案”,华盛顿的中东政策出现了新气象。

奥巴马不怕步老布什后尘的原因之一,是他目前的内政强势和出色的政治手腕,尤其是提名第一位拉美裔最高法院大法官,大致奠定了奥巴马的连任基础。

奥巴马需要和平国际环境

更主要的是像当年邓小平一样,奥巴马需要和平的国际环境来实现他的内政改革野心,再来一场九一一恐怖袭击,是奥巴马和民主党的最大内政威胁,而以巴冲突是伊斯兰极端势力的最大宣传口实。

另外是美国犹太势力的分化。布什政府的“保守革命”和反精英主义,冒犯了大量的知识精英,而美国犹太知识分子,除了人气始终不旺的新保守主义分子,还是大部属于自由派主流。

但是奥巴马政府面临的是以色列民意的右倾化,四十多年来,30万犹太殖民者已经蚕食了约旦河西岸35%的巴勒斯坦领土,内坦亚胡还是坚拒奥巴马政府要以方冻结殖民点的硬性要求。

更重要的是内坦亚胡表面上接受了“两国方案”,却提出各种先决条件,实际回到了导致奥斯陆和平进程彻底失败的“一国半方案”,也即巴方将是一个没有武装、没有领空领海权、完全受以色列支配的“儿政权”。

内坦亚胡敢于在“冻结”殖民点和“两国方案”等关键题目上公开与白宫叫板,显示以色列知道奥巴马政府再大的压力,也难以超越美国犹太势力不会容许以色列“安全生存”受到威胁的“底线”。从这个角度,华盛顿目前的外交机会难免也将付诸东流。
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