Politics as a Marketing Campaign

Published in Rebelión
(Spain) on 30 June 2016
by Manuel E. Yepe (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Jenny Westwell. Edited by Melanie Rehfuss.
Since the multimillionaire Donald Trump announced his intention to run for the Republican presidential nomination, his rhetoric against illegal immigrants and the threat they supposedly represent for the economy and stability of his country has been inseparable from his political platform and his chances of being elected.

"You will find that legal and illegal immigrant convicts are underrepresented in United States penitentiaries, with only a quarter of the number that corresponds to them according to their proportion of the United States population. This means the statistics say that the ‘wetbacks’ are four or five times less likely to commit a crime than your own charming children, Mr. Trump."*

The above paragraph is part of an open letter addressed to the Republican Party's presidential candidate, Donald Trump, by Jorge Majfud, Uruguayan writer and professor of Latin-American literature at the U.S. University of Georgia.

He continues, "You see, Mr. Trump, for centuries, long before your grandparents arrived from Germany and made a great success of their business in New York hotels and brothels, and long before your mother arrived from Scotland, Mexican people had families here and had already given names to all the Western states, rivers, valleys, mountains and cities. California architecture and the Texas cowboy, symbols of the authentic North American, are nothing but the hybrid created by the new Anglo-Saxon culture and the long-established Mexican culture.”*

"When your mother arrived in this country in the 1930s, half a million Mexican- Americans were expelled. The majority of them were American citizens but they had the bad luck to be on the receiving end of the nation's frustration during the Great Depression, which they did not create, and to be perceived as foreigners. Those people had looked like foreigners and rapists (you were not the first to see them that way) since the United States took possession of half of Mexico's territory in the middle of the 19th century. And because those people, who were there first, went on speaking their barbaric language (Spanish) and refused to change the color of their skin, they were persecuted, expelled, or simply murdered, accused of being bandits, rapists and foreign invaders. The real Zorro was dark and fought, not against Mexican despotism (as Johnston McCulley wrote it, so that he could sell the story to Hollywood), but against the Anglo-Saxon invaders who took the Mexicans’ lands. He was dark and subversive, like Jesus, who in holy paintings is always depicted as fair, blue-eyed and rather deferential. The hegemonic power of the era that crucified him had obvious political reasons for doing so. And it continued to crucify him when, three centuries later, the Christians ceased to be the persecuted illegal immigrants hiding in the catacombs, and became instead the official persecutors of the governing power of the time.”*

“Luckily,” says Majfud, “the European immigrants, like Trump’s parents and his current wife, did not have the appearance of foreigners. Of course, if his mother had arrived forty years earlier she could have been taken for Irish, and the Irish did have the look of invaders.”*

“The creativity of businessmen and women in the United States is admirable,” Majfud goes on to say, “but their importance tends to be exaggerated and we forget that it was not business people who promoted democracy in Latin America, quite the reverse in fact. A number of U.S. companies helped to bring about coups d’état and supported a long list of dictatorships.”*

“They were business people who, like Henry Ford, made interesting contributions to industry, but we should remember that, like many other business people in this country, Ford was openly anti-Semitic and collaborated with Hitler. Consortiums like ALCOA and Texaco collaborated with the fascist regimes of the era and denied refuge to Jews fleeing persecution in Nazi Germany, just as today they deny the same to Muslims.”*

Majfud reminds Trump that much of the basis for today's scientific knowledge was generated centuries ago by those "horrible, primitive Arabs" to whom we owe the number system we use, algebra, algorithms, and many other sciences and philosophies that form part of contemporary Western culture.

“It was not the businessmen who took part in the acts of resistance and popular struggle that brought about virtually all the progress in civil rights that the United States enjoys today,” says Majfud. “We have other patriots to thank for that, though at the time they were demonized as dangerous, subversive and anti-American.” Majfud concludes: "Mr. Trump, I know that you don't know so I am going to tell you: A country is not a company. You have been hugely successful in converting American politics (where, since the founding generation, intellectuals never been abundant) into a perfect commercial marketing campaign powered by crude, anti-immigrant rhetoric."*

*Editor's note: These quotes, though accurately translated, could not be verified.



La política como campaña de marketing



Desde que el multimillonario Donald Trump anunció su candidatura por el partido Republicano a la presidencia de Estados Unidos, ha formado parte inseparable de su plataforma política y sus posibilidades electorales su discurso dedicado al rechazo a los inmigrantes ilegales y a la amenaza que éstos supuestamente representan para la economía y la estabilidad de su país.

“En las penitenciarías de Estados Unidos usted encontrará que los inmigrantes -legales o ilegales- son apenas una cuarta parte del número de los convictos que estadísticamente les correspondería de acuerdo a su proporción respecto a la población estadounidense. Eso significa que “los espaldas mojadas” tienen de cuatro a cinco veces menos posibilidades de cometer un delito que los hijos del señor Trump”.

El párrafo anterior forma parte de la carta abierta al muy probable candidato republicano a presidente de los Estados Unidos, Donald Trump, que le destinara el escritor y profesor uruguayo de literatura latinoamericana en la universidad norteamericana de Georgia, Jorge Majfud.

“Por siglos, mucho antes que sus abuelos llegaran de Alemania y tuviesen gran éxito en el negocio de los hoteles y los prostíbulos en Nueva York, y mucho antes que su madre llegara de Escocia, los mexicanos tenían aquí sus familias y ya habían dado nombre a todos los estados del Oeste, ríos, valles, montañas y ciudades. La arquitectura californiana y el cowboy texano, símbolo del auténtico norteamericano no son otra cosa que el resultado de la hibridez de la nueva cultura anglosajona con la largamente establecida cultura mexicana”.

“Cuando su madre llegó a este país en los años 30, medio millón de mexicoamericanos fueron expulsados de sus tierras. La mayoría de ellos eran ciudadanos estadounidenses pero habían tenido la mala suerte de que la frustración nacional por la Gran Depresión, que ellos no inventaron, los encontrase con talante de extranjeros. Esa gente había tenido cara de extranjeros y de violadores (como usted los califica) desde que Estados Unidos se apropió de la mitad del territorio mexicano a mediados del siglo XIX. Y como esa gente, que ya estaba ahí, no dejaba de hablar un idioma bárbaro (el español) y se negaban a cambiar el color de su piel, fueron perseguidos, expulsados o simplemente asesinados, acusados de ser bandidos, violadores y extranjeros invasores.

“El verdadero Zorro era moreno y no luchaba contra el despotismo mexicano (como lo puso Johnston McCulley para poder vender la historia a Hollywood) sino contra los anglosajones invasores que tomaron sus tierras. Era moreno y rebelde como Jesús, aunque en las sagradas pinturas usted vea siempre al Nazareno rubio, de ojos azules, y más bien sumiso. El poder hegemónico de la época que lo crucificó tenía obvias razones políticas para hacerlo. Y lo siguió crucificando cuando tres siglos más tarde los cristianos dejaron de ser inmigrantes ilegales perseguidos que se escondían en las catacumbas, y se convirtieron en perseguidores oficiales del poder de turno.” Los inmigrantes europeos, como sus padres y su esposa actual, dice Majfud a Trump, no aparentaban ser extranjeros, pero si su madre hubiese llegado cuarenta años antes, tal vez hubiese sido confundida con irlandeses, que sí tenían cara de invasores.

La creatividad de los hombres y mujeres de negocios de EE.UU. es admirable -sigue diciendo Jorge Majfud-, pero se exagera su importancia y se olvida que no fueron empresarios quienes promovieron la democracia en Latinoamérica, todo lo contrario. Han sido varias las empresas estadounidenses que han promovido golpes de Estado y que apoyaron a una larga lista de dictaduras.

Fueron hombres de negocios quienes, como Henry Ford, hicieron interesantes aportes a la industria, pero no debe olvidarse que, como muchos otros empresarios de este país, Ford fue un antisemita declarado que colaboró con Hitler cuando se negaba refugio a los judíos perseguidos en Alemania, mientras consorcios como ALCOA y Texaco colaboraban con los regímenes fascistas.

Majfud recuerda a Trump que una parte de los conocimientos científicos básicos actuales, fueron fundados siglos atrás por esos “horribles y primitivos árabes” y que a ellos debemos los números que usamos, el álgebra, los algoritmos, y muchas otros ciencias y filosofías que hoy forman parte de la cultura de Occidente.

No fueron hombres de negocios los que lograron, con su acción de resistencia y lucha popular, el progreso de los derechos civiles que conoce hoy Estados Unidos. Fueron otros patriotas que, en su época, fueron demonizados como peligrosos, revoltosos y antiamericanos. “Señor Trump, un país no es una empresa. Usted ha convertido la política estadounidense (en la que nunca han abundado los intelectuales) en una perfecta campaña de marketing comercial donde su eslogan principal contra inmigrantes no ha sido muy feliz”, concluye Majfud.
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