US Grand Strategy in Motion as THAAD Enters South Korea

Published in Huanqiu
(China) on 15 July 2016
by Yang Xiyu (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Nathan Hsu. Edited by Helaine Schweitzer.
Speaking on the significance of the objectives of South Korea's deployment of the Terminal High Altitude Area Defense system, or THAAD, prominent missile defense expert and Massachusetts Institute of Technology Professor Emeritus Theodore Postol previously hit the nail on the head by suggesting THAAD would be of no use in defending against North Korea's No-Dong missile, but would still become a key component of U.S. national missile defense. Indeed, although at present it appears the verdict is in on THAAD's introduction into South Korea, it doesn’t signify the final curtain but rather can be seen as an overture for the installation of more U.S. missile defense systems throughout Northeast Asia and the West Pacific.

THAAD's deployment in South Korea will shake up the Asia-Pacific security environment and bring about new strategic instability. Some experts say THAAD's X-band radar can extend as far as 2,000 km (about 1,243 miles) and that this constitutes a dire threat to the strategic weapon systems of China and Russia in the Far East. Such fears, however, are clearly overblown. Frankly speaking, if the United States relies solely on THAAD, it will not even come close to being able to disturb China and Russia's strategic attack capabilities. What's more troubling, and a cause for real alarm, is that the missile defense system's advent into South Korea is only the tip of the iceberg for U.S. strategy. As time goes on, we will see the THAAD system already being stationed in South Korea and gaining additional siblings around Northeast Asia. On that point, Japanese Defense Minister Gen Nakatani has, intentionally or otherwise, given voice to the United States' innermost desires, publicly stating that Japan has considerable interest in bringing THAAD into his country. Moreover, already there are reports indicating that the United States has concrete plans to take THAAD to the Philippines.

As the United States rolls out its third counterbalancing campaign of the 21st century, an extremely important pillar of that strategy will be the establishment of a missile defense system. Under this umbrella of national missile defense, the United States has already expanded its reach to Europe and erected one side of its missile defense wall. The events now progressing in the West Pacific can be seen as a reproduction of that process, with the United States' ultimate aim being to develop its national missile defense into global missile defense. This is their grand stratagem.

After these missile defense systems are linked together into a network, the United States will be able to utilize its newly secured footing to dominate our planet as its sole hegemon. However, although they lack the capability and of course the intent, China and Russia might try to establish this type of global missile defense system, while the United States holds both the capacity and ambitions to do so. Therefore, policymakers, experts and the public should all take note that the problem is not simply THAAD, but rather that this type of technological, tactical and defensive weapon is being integrated into a strategic scheme with global implications.

So how should China respond? As one might imagine, as the United States raises missile defense barriers on China and Russia's doorstep and encourages strategic instability, China and Russia will certainly adopt measures for some strategic rebalancing of their own. In fact, Russia is now doing this in Europe by developing weapons capable of penetrating missiles and nuclear armaments, and supersonic weapons capable of cutting through anti-missile countermeasures. Similarly, when China finds itself pressured by an adversary's missile defense systems, it has two choices: strengthen its offensive capabilities or build its own missile defense shield. And as a result, THAAD's introduction into South Korea will spur on a new round of strategic competition, with the United States on one side and China and Russia on the other, a competition that will involve a military arms race as much as strategic games and include increased troop deployments as much as the development of new technologies.

The technological revolution has proven that as game-changing technologies appear, a large segment of older technologies and products are phased out. Missile defense systems calculate a missile's trajectory and then move to intercept, but drones, which do not fly along set trajectories, can avoid such countermeasures. I believe drone development will one day render missiles obsolete and that as a corollary, the value of missile defense systems will be greatly diminished. When a battle for supremacy is fought mostly on familiar and well-trodden terrain, any game-changing technological breakthroughs become key turning points. Therefore, time is not on the side of missile defense, but rather favors the technological revolution, and in particular, its military facets. China can either selectively strengthen its missile technologies to curb U.S. missile defense systems, or it can proceed along other lines, such as with drones and supersonic weapons. And the bottom line? The various options available to China will put those states building missile defense systems in a very disadvantageous position indeed.

The author is a research fellow at the China Institute of International Studies.


  对于在韩国部署萨德的意义和目的,著名导弹专家、美国麻省理工学院终身教授泊斯托尔曾一针见血地指出:萨德对于防范朝鲜的劳动导弹并不管用,但却会成为美国国家导弹防御体系(NMD)的重要组成部分。因此,目前看似即将尘埃落定的萨德入韩,远非故事的结束,而是美国在东北亚乃至西太平洋地区构建反导体系的序曲。
  萨德在韩部署将搅动亚太安全环境,引发新的战略不稳定。有些专家说萨德的X波段雷达可以探测2000公里,它将对中国以及俄罗斯在 远东的战略武器系统构成颠覆性威胁。这显然是神化了萨德。坦率地讲,如果美国仅凭借一套萨德系统,远无法撼动中俄的战略打击能力。真正值得担忧和警惕的 是,萨德入韩只是美国战略的一个开端。我们将会看到,随着时间的推移,已经驻扎在韩国的萨德系统,在东北亚地区会有更多的兄弟姐妹。对此,日本防相中谷元倒是有意无意地道出美国的心里话,他公开宣称日本有浓厚兴趣引进萨德。此外,已有报道称,美国也有在菲律宾部署萨德的具体计划。
  美国在21世纪推出第三次抵消战略,该战略一个非常重要的支柱就是建立一个反导体系。美国 通过修筑NMD,已在欧洲扩展出一面反导墙。现在西太平洋发生的事情,就是NMD的翻版。美国的目标是将NMD发展成GMD,就是Global Missle Defense(全球导弹防卫体系)。这是美国在下的一大盘棋。
  这个反导体系连成网后,美国就可以在新的基础上独霸天下。无论中俄怎么努力,也没有能力、 当然也没有计划,去建设这样一个全球反导体系,而美国具备这个条件和野心。所以无论是决策者、专家还是公众,都应注意到,萨德不是单一问题,这个技术性、 战术性和防御性武器正在变为一个全球战略计划的一部分。
  那么中国该如何应对?可以想象,美国在中俄家门口建反导墙,造成战略不稳定,中俄 肯定会采取措施,实施中俄版战略再平衡。事实上,俄罗斯正在通过发展对导弹和核武器具有穿透能力的武器,在欧洲来制造再平衡,也在发展超高音速武器来穿透 反导武器。而中国也是如此,当对手试图用反导墙压制中国时,那么就两个选择,要么把矛做得更强,要么就建立自己的反导之盾。因此萨德入韩会引起美俄和中美 新一轮战略竞赛,这既包括军备竞赛,也包括战略博弈,既有新技术开发,也有兵力再部署。
  技术革命证明,一旦有颠覆性技术产生,原有一大批成熟的技术和产品就会被淘汰。反 导系统是计算弹道轨道然后拦截,但无人机不走弹道轨道,所以它可以绕过反导系统。我认为,如果无人机进一步发展,导弹总有一天会被淘汰。这样,反导系统也 会是鸡肋。当人们沿着固有道路玩命竞争时,任何一个异军突起的技术革新都会成为一个拐点。所以,时间不在反导体系这边,而是在技术革命特别是军事技术革命 这边。中国一方面可以有针对性地加强导弹技术来牵制美国的反导体系,另一方面也可以在其他选项上发展,比如无人机和超高音速武器。中国的多项选择,实际上 也使得建设反导系统的国家处在更加不利的地位。
(作者是中国国际问题研究院研究员)
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