Brazil in the Era of Trump

Published in O Globo
(Brazil) on 7 February 2017
by Darc Costa (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Conor Lane. Edited by Helaine Schweitzer.
We should position Brazil as a third party in the dispute between China and the United States.

South America is Brazil’s greatest priority in foreign relations – that’s how it was, at least, during the first decade of the millennium. Brazil rejected the Free Trade Area of the Americas, created the Union of South American Nations and inserted Venezuela into Mercosul (the Southern Common Market); while Brazil’s ideology has changed, Venezuela remains in it. Everything [Brazil did in foreign relations] demonstrated this priority.

Little was accomplished, however, during the second decade of the millennium. Due to lack of prioritization, the plan to integrate physical infrastructure in the region has remained an unrealized goal even today.

In recent years, the United States has relegated South America to the back burner. However, this could change. Under the new administration, the United States is seeking to distance itself from the its earlier agenda, which sought partners in the region, including Paraguay and Suriname, and pursued multilateral trade agreements, such as the one that exists between countries along the Pacific Ocean. Donald Trump has favored Brazil inasmuch as he stands opposed to multilateral free trade agreements with these aforementioned countries, thus impeding Mexico, Colombia, Peru and Chile’s commercial diplomacy.

Since the turn of the century, China’s clout in regional business affairs has been on the increase; due both to convenience and its long-term national interests, China has seen South America as space in which to expand its international activities. China’s insertion of capital in the region has been felt even as far as strategic sectors like Brazilian engineering. This could lead to a situation in which internal regional linkages favor China, making South America’s natural resources available to it. China will likewise seek to defend free trade and entangle us in this process given our presence within BRICS.* On that point, we have cards to lay on the table.

Looking toward the future, Brazilian diplomacy should take advantage of the result of the recent U.S. election and position the country as a regional third party in the coming dispute between China and the United States for worldwide commercial dominance.

That would be the moment for us to bring about a reorganization not only of the Pacific Alliance but also of Mercosul by merging the two together and giving impetus to an effective common market in Latin America. Such an initiative could serve to resolve Mercosul’s systemic inoperativeness and address the Pacific Alliance’s loss of direction, while also strengthening Brazil’s political and business clout within the region to a large degree. Moving beyond Mercosul and the Union of South American Nations wouldn’t be a bold step but rather a response to the arrival of the age of protectionism heralded by Trump.

As it’s already been noted, Brazil has not acted in a coherent manner vis-à-vis South America since 2010. In Brazil’s absence, the remaining countries in the region have been left exposed to global ambitions. The only way to make our regional policy coherent would be to commit to offering alternative modes of development to our neighbors in the framework of our own national strategy.

Darc Costa is the president of the Federation of South American Chambers of Commerce and Industry.

*Editor’s note: BRICS is an acronym for an association of five major emerging national economies comprising Brazil, Russian, India, China and South Africa.


Brasil na era Trump

Por Darc Costa

07/02/2017

"Deveríamos posicionar o país na América do Sul como terceiro interessado na disputa entre China e EUA."

A América do Sul é a maior prioridade no relacionamento internacional do Brasil. Na primeira década deste milênio foi assim. A rejeição à Alca, a criação da Unasul, a inserção da Venezuela no Mercosul — a ideologia passa, mas a Venezuela fica —, tudo demonstrava essa prioridade. Contudo, na segunda década deste milênio pouco foi feito. Hoje, o projeto de integração da infraestrutura física da região jaz natimorto, na falta dessa priorização.

Nos últimos anos, os Estados Unidos relegaram a um segundo plano a América do Sul. Contudo, isto pode mudar. Os EUA, com sua nova administração, tendem a se afastar da agenda anterior, que buscou escolher parceiros na região, como o Paraguai e o Suriname, e procurou acordos multilaterais, como a parceria entre os países banhados pelo Oceano Pacífico. Trump nos favorece, na medida em que ele se opõe a acordos multilaterais de livre comércio com esses países e coloca México, Colômbia, Peru e Chile com grandes embaraços na sua diplomacia comercial.

Desde a virada do século, a China tem tido uma prevalência crescente nos negócios na região. Por conveniência e por interesses de longo prazo de seu projeto nacional, vê a América do Sul como um espaço de expansão de sua atuação internacional. A penetração do capital chinês se fez sentir até em setores estratégicos, como a engenharia brasileira. Isso pode levar a que a articulação interna do espaço da região observe uma lógica chinesa de disponibilização dos recursos naturais da América do Sul para si. A China também vai procurar defender o livre comércio e nos enredar neste processo pela nossa presença no Brics. Temos, por aí, fichas para colocar na mesa.

Olhando o futuro, a diplomacia brasileira deveria aproveitar o resultado das recentes eleições americanas e posicionar o país na região como um terceiro interessado na disputa que ocorrerá entre a China e os EUA, pelo domínio do comércio mundial.

Seria o momento de fomentar uma reestruturação, tanto na Aliança do Pacífico quanto do Mercosul, fundindo-os e dando inicio a um efetivo mercado comum na América Latina. Esta iniciativa poderia resolver tanto a inoperância sistêmica do Mercosul quanto a perda de sentido da Aliança do Pacífico e fortaleceria, em muito, a presença política e comercial do país na região. Ir além do Mercosul, ir além da Unasul, não será uma ousadia, mas uma resposta à chegada do tempo do protecionismo que Trump propõe.

Como já foi dito, desde 2010 o país não atua de forma coerente na América do Sul. Sem o Brasil, os demais países da região ficam expostos às ambições globais. Mas isso só é possível ser coerente se a nossa política na região estiver inscrita nas alternativas de desenvolvimento que oferecermos aos nossos vizinhos no âmbito de nosso próprio projeto nacional.

Darc Costa é presidente da Federação das Câmaras de Comércio e Indústria da América do Sul
This post appeared on the front page as a direct link to the original article with the above link .

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